of this misunderstanding. Russia could not see these with indifference, every means were employed from the beginning to put an end to them: the guarantee of Russia of the integrity of the Austrian States was even offered, and at the same time it was declared, that in virtue of the existing alliance with France, every attack upon the present order of things would be considered as a violation of the rights stipulated by treaties, which ought to be maintained by the force of arms. Austria not rejecting the pacific insinuations made to her, pretended at first that her measures were only defensive; that they were occasioned only by the fear of the danger which threatened her; that her intention was not to undertake an offensive war, and that she would not break the peace. Facts have proved of how little value these assurances were. The measures of defence which progressively increased have changed into offensive measures. In the room of the fear that was expressed, ambitious plans have been developed, and the war has broken out by the invasion of foreign states, even before any declaration of war in the accustomed form. Austria, who knew perfectly well the conduct which Russia would hold under the present cireumstances, has determined to renounce her friendship, and rekindle the flames of war even upon our frontiers, rather than desist from her projects. In consequence, orders have been given to the Russian ambassador at Vienna to quit that capital immediately, and it has been declared to the Austrian ambassador at this court, that from this moment his diplomatic functions have ceased, and that all the relations are broken off, with him and his court.

Proclamation of Prince Gallitzin, who has the command of the Russian army which has penetrated Gallicia, addressed to the Inhabitants, in the Russian and Polish Languages, dated May 11, 1809.

Russia could not behold with indifference, the war that has broken out between France and Austria. Russia did every thing to prevent the commencement of these hostile operations. She declared even to the court of Austria, that, pursuant to articles of treaty between the emperors of Russia and France, and to the close alliance entered into by those two powers, she should be obliged to act in concert with France. Austria listened to none of these remonstrances; but long endeavoured to conceal her warlike preparations under pretence that she was obliged to adopt necessary measures for her security and defence, till she at last, by open hostilities, betrayed her designs, and kindled the flames of war. Russia has no longer hesitated to take a part in a war in which she is bound to engage by the most solemn treaties. soon as she learned that hostilities had commenced, she broke off all relations of friendship which had subsisted between her and Austria, and gave orders to her army to advance into Gallicia. The commander-in-chief of the army entering that province to oppose the views of Austria, and to resist force by force, has received from his majesty the emperor express orders solemnly to assure the peaceable inhabitants of Gallicia that the views of Russia are not hostile; that amid all military operations, the security and safety of persons and property_shall be most strictly respected. The commander-in-chief shall prove, by his

As

conduct,

conduct, that the principles recommended by his sovereign are also consonant to his own inclinations and feelings.

PRINCE GALLItzin,
Commander-in-chief.

Ukase to the Senate, dated St. Peters

burg, May 7, 1809.

It is known by the whole world, with what firmness the trade of neutrals has been protected by Russia, when the powers of Europe were at war; it is known with what valour she has guarded the interests of trading nations in the time of peace, against the events of war. Following up this invariable principle, also during the present rupture with Britain, we entertained the fullest hopes that the trade with friendly powers would not be carried on by forbidden means; but as experience during last season has proved to us, that the enemy has found it practicable, by means of neutral vessels, to supply himself with such produce as he stood in need of, and to gain strength by exchanging his own produce; we have at present been compelled to order two vessels to be seized. For these reasons, and to prevent various subterfuges and artifices, we have deemed it necessary to establish some rules, and hereby order,

1. That all masters of neutral vessels, arriving at our ports, are to prove the property being neutral, by the following documents of the ship, viz. a pass, ship's register, muster-roll, log-book, cocket, manifest of the cargo, the charter-party, bills of lading, certificates of origin, whether the cargo, or part of the same, belonging to the captain, and by the invoices of such vessels as come from America or the Indies, or are bound there. In case, however, the master is not

provided with any one of the documents, the ship is to be sent out of our ports, and not to be permitted to discharge. 2. In case of neutral ships being partly loaded with merchandize which can be proved to be of the manufacture or produce of the enemy, the same to be stopped, the goods to be seized and sold by public auction, for the benefit of government; but, if more than half of the cargo consists of such goods, then not only the cargo, but also the ship is to be seized. 3. A pass granted the ship, by a neutral, friendly, or allied power, is not to be considered legal, as soon as it appears that the master has acted contrary to the same; or if the ship is named in the pass differently to what she is in the rest of her documents, unless the alteration made is proved by documents, attested by legal authority at the place from which the vessel departed, and produced before the magistracy of said place; in this instance the master is not to be considered guilty. 4. A pass is not to be considered valid, if it should appear that the vessel to which it is granted was not, at the very time it is dated, at one of the ports of the power by which it had been given. 5. If the supercargo or master, or more than one-third of the crew, of a neutral vessel, should be subjects of powers at war with us; or if such a vessel is not provided with a muster-roll of the crew, duly at. tested by the magistracy of such neutral ports from which the same departed, then both ship and cargo are to be seized, but the crew to be set at liberty. 6. If it should appear that the pass produced by the master has been counterfeited or altered, ship and cargo are to be seized for the benefit of government, and the master to be brought

to

to trial, and to be dealt with as is prescribed by the laws for those who make false documents; the crew to be set at liberty. 7. If it should appear that a vessel is provided with double documents, with different destinations, such a vessel and her cargo to be seized for the benefit of government. In case the master wishes to justify himself, by having lost his documents, and cannot produce any proofs, his vessel to be detained, granting him time for procuring the same proportionate to the distance, if he wishes it; else, if the master cannot wait so long, ship and cargo are immediately to be sent off; but if, at the expiration of the period fixed, the master does not produce the needful proofs, ship and cargo are to be seized for the benefit of government. 8. No ship built by the enemy is to be considered neutral, unless amongst other documents, a duly attested document is found, proving the sale or transfer to have taken place, before the declaration of the war; else, ship and cargo are to be seized for the benefit of government. 9. If the owner or commander of a neutral vessel happen to be a native of a nation at war with us, and are provided with passes of a neutral power, in such a case the pass is not to serve as a clearance, as long as they cannot prove having become subjects and residents of such a power previous to the declaration of war; else, they are to be sent off, with their ships. not allowing them to take in return cargoes.

when Charlemagne, emperor of the French, and our sublime predecessor, endowed the bishops of Rome with various lands, they were given as fiefs to maintain the peace of his subjects, and that Rome did not therefore cease to form a part of his empire: considering further, that since that time the union of spiritual and temporal power has been, and still is, the source of dissention; that the popes have but too frequently availed themselves of the one, to support their pretensions to the other; and that with spiritual concerns, which are in their nature immutable, have been confounded worldly affairs, which change with the circumstances and politics of the times: considering finally, that it is in vain to attempt to reconcile with the temporal pretensions of the pope, all that we have concerted for the security of our army, the repose and prosperity of the nations over which we reign, and the dignity and inviolability of our empire,

We have decreed, and do decree as follow:

Art. 1. The papal territory is united with the French empire. 2. The city of Rome, illustrious for the recollection it recalls, and for the monuments which it contains, is declared to be a free and imperial city. Its government and administration shall be fixed by a particular decree. 3. The monuments of Roman greatness shall be maintained and preserved, at the expence of our treasury. 4. The public debt is declared to be the debt of the empire. 5. The revenue of the pope shall be fixed at two millions of francs, free from all charges and contributions. 6. The property and palaces of his holiness shall be subject to no imposition, jurisdiction, or visitation, and shall besides enjoy

especial

especial prerogatives. 7. An extraordinary consulta shall, on the 1st of June, take possession in our name of the papal dominions, and adopt measures that on the first of January, 1810, the constitutional government take effect.

(Signed)

NAPOLEON. Another decree of the same date establishes an extraordinary consulta, consisting of the following members: Miollis, governor-general, president; Salcette, minister of the king of Naples; Degerando, Jannet, Del Pozzo, and Debalde, secretaries. This consulta is ordered to take possession of the papal territory, so that the transition from the old to the new order of things may be unperceived. Then follows a proclamation of the consulta, after its installation, to the Romans, congratulating them upon the change in their situation.

AMERICA.

Washington, May 22.-EXTRA SESSION. This day both houses of congress assembled in their respective chambers. In senate twenty-one members attended. In the lower house, at the first call, 120 members appeared.-General Varnum is re-elected Speaker

PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE.

At twelve o'clock, the president of the United States communicated, by Mr. Graham, the following message to both houses of congress:

Washington City, May 23. Fellow citizens of the senate, and of the house of representatives. On this first occasion of meeting you, it affords me much satisfaction, to be able to communicate the commencement of a favourable change in our foreign relations; the critical state of which induced a session of

congress at this period. In consequence of the provisions of the act interdicting commercial intercourse with Great Britain and France, our ministers at London and Paris were, without delay, instructed to let it be understood by the French and British governments, that the authority vested in the executive, to renew commercial intercourse with their respective nations, would be exercised in the case specified by that act.

Soon after these instructions were dispatched, it was found that the British government, anticipating, from early proceedings of congress at their last session, the state of our laws, which has had the effect of placing the two belligerent powers on a footing of equal restrictions, and relying on the conciliatory dispositions of the United States, had transmitted to their legation here provisional instructions, not only to offer satisfaction for the attack on the frigate Chesapeak, and to make known the determination of

his Britannic majesty, to send an envoy extraordinary with powers to tween the two countries; but moreconclude a treaty on all points beover, to signify his willingness, in the mean time, to withdraw his orders in council, in the persuasion

that the intercourse with Great Britain would be renewed on the part of the United States. These steps of the British government led to the correspondence and the proclamation now laid before you; by vir tue of which, the commerce between the two countries will be renewable after the 10th day of June next. Whilst I take pleasure in doing justice to the councils of his Britannic majesty, which, no longer adhering to the policy which made an abandonment by France, of her decrees, a pre-requisite to a revocation of the British orders, have sub

stituted