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issued from their deserts in quest of prey, their shaggy beards, uncombed locks, the furs with which they were covered from head to foot, and their fierce countenances, which seemed to express the innate cruelty of their minds, inspired the more civilized provincials of Rome with horror and dismay. ... The tender Ovid, after a youth spent in the enjoyment of fame and luxury, was condemned to an hopeless exile on the frozen banks of the Danube, where he was exposed, almost without defence, to the fury of these monsters of the desert, with whose stern spirits he feared that his gentle shade might hereafter be confounded. In his pathetic, but sometimes unmanly, lamentations,” he describes, in the most lively colours, the dress and manners, the arms and inroads of the Getae and Sarmatians, who were associated for the purposes of destruction; and from the accounts of history there is some reason to believe that these Sarmatians were the Jazygae, one of the most numerous and warlike tribes of the nation. The allurements of plenty engaged them to seek a permanent establishment on the frontiers of the empire. Soon after the reign of Augustus, they obliged the Dacians, who subsisted by fishing on the banks of the river Theiss or Tibiscus, to retire into the hilly country, and to abandon to the victorious Sarmatians the fertile plains of the Upper Hungary, which are bounded by the course of the Danube and the semi-circular inclosure of the Carpathian mountains.” In this advantageous position, they watched or suspended the moment of attack, as they were provoked by injuries or appeased by presents; they gradually acquired the skill of using more dangerous weapons; and, although the Sarmatians did not illustrate their name by any memorable exploits, they occasionally assisted their eastern and western neighbours, the Goths and the Germans, with a formidable

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the viper and a mixture of human blood. The use of poisoned arms, which has
been spread over both worlds, never preserved a savage tribe from the arms of a
disciplined enemy.
* The nine books of Poetical Epistles, which Ovid composed during the
seven first years of his melancholy exile, possess, besides the merit of elegance, a
double value. They exhibit a picture of the human mind under very singular cir-
cumstances; and they contain many curious observations, which no Roman, except
Ovid, could have an opportunity of making. Every circumstance which tends to
illustrate the history of the Barbarians has been drawn together by the very
accurate Count de Buat. Hist. Ancienne des Peuples de l'Europe, tom. iv. c. xvi.
p. 286-317. [For Sarmatians cp. App. 16.]
4. The Sarmatians [? leg. Sarmatian] Jazygae were settled on the banks of the
Pathissus or Tibiscus, when Pliny, in the year 79, published his Natural History.
See l. iv. c. 25. In the time of Strabo and Ovid, sixty or seventy years before,
they appear to have inhabited beyond the Getae, along the coast of the Euxine,

body of cavalry. They lived under the irregular aristocracy of their chieftains;* but, after they had received into their bosom the fugitive Vandals, who yielded to the pressure of the Gothic power, they seem to have chosen a king from that nation, and from the illustrious race of the Astingi, who had formerly dwelt on the shores of the Northern ocean.”

This motive of enmity must have inflamed the subjects of:

contention, which perpetually arise on the confines of warlike and independent nations. The Vandal princes were stimulated by fear and revenge; the Gothic kings aspired to extend their dominion from the Euxine to the frontiers of Germany: and the waters of the Maros, a small river which falls into the Theiss, were stained with the blood of the contending Barbarians. After some experience of the superior strength and number of their adversaries, the Sarmatians implored the protection of the Roman monarch, who beheld with pleasure the discord of the nations, but who was justly alarmed by the progress of the Gothic arms. As soon as Constantine had declared himself in favour of the weaker party, the haughty Araric, king of the Goths, instead of expecting the attack of the legions, boldly passed the Danube, and spread terror and devastation through the province of Maesia. To oppose the inroad of this destroying host, the aged emperor took the field in person; but on this occasion either his conduct or his fortune betrayed the glory which he had acquired in so many foreign and domestic wars. He had the mortification of seeing his troops fly before an inconsiderable detachment of the Barbarians, who pursued them to the edge of their fortified camp and obliged him to consult his safety by a precipitate and ignominious retreat.* The event of a second and more successful action retrieved the honour of the Roman name; and the powers of art and discipline prevailed, after an obstinate contest, over the efforts of irregular valour. The broken army of the Goths abandoned the field of battle, the wasted province, and the passage of the Danube: and, although the eldest of

42 Principes Sarmatarum Jazygum penes quos civitatis regimen . . . plebem quoque et vim equitum quá solá valent offerebant. Tacit. Hist. iii. 5. This offer was made in the civil war between Vitellius and Vespasian.

“This hypothesis of a Vandal king reigning over Sarmatian subjects seems necessary to reconcile the Goth Jornandes with the Greek and Latin historians of Constantine. It may be observed that Isidore, who lived in Spain under the dominion of the Goths, gives them for enemies, not the Vandals, but the Sarmatians. See his Chronicle in Grotius, p. 709.

*[There seems to be no evidence for this defeat of Constantine. It is a curious error of Gibbon.]

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the sons of Constantine was permitted to supply the place of
his father, the merit of the victory, which diffused universal
joy, was ascribed to the auspicious counsels of the emperor
himself.
He contributed at least to improve this advantage, by his
negotiations with the free and warlike people of Chersonesus,”
whose capital, situate on the western coast of the Tauric or
Crimaean peninsula, still retained some vestiges of a Grecian
colony, and was governed by a perpetual magistrate, assisted
by a council of senators, emphatically styled the Fathers of the
City. The Chersonites were animated against the Goths by
the memory of the wars which, in the preceding century, they
had maintained with unequal forces against the invaders of
their country. They were connected with the Romans by the
mutual benefits of commerce; as they were supplied from the
provinces of Asia with corn and manufactures, which they
purchased with their only productions, salt, wax, and hides.
Obedient to the requisition of Constantine, they prepared,
under the conduct of their magistrate Diogenes, a considerable
army, of which the principal strength consisted in crossbows
and military chariots. The speedy march and intrepid attack
of the Chersonites, by diverting the attention of the Goths,
assisted the operations of the imperial generals. The Goths,
vanquished on every side, were driven into the mountains,
where, in the course of a severe campaign, above an hundred
thousand were computed to have perished by cold and hunger.
Peace was at length granted to their humble supplications;
the eldest son of Araric was accepted as the most valuable
hostage; and Constantine endeavoured to convince their chiefs,
by a liberal distribution of honours and rewards, how far the
friendship of the Romans was preferable to their enmity. In
the expressions of his gratitude towards the faithful Chersonites,

*I may stand in need of some apology for having used, without scruple, the authority of Constantine Porphyrogenitus, in all that relates to the wars and negotiations of the Chersonites. I am aware that he was a Greek of the tenth century, and that his accounts of ancient history are frequently confused and fabulous. But on this occasion his narrative is, for the most part, consistent and probable; nor is there much difficulty in conceiving that an emperor might have access to some secret archives, which had escaped the diligence of meaner historians. For the situation and history of Chersone, see Peyssonel des Peuples barbares qui ont habité les Bords du Danube, c. xvi. p. 84-90. [Const. Porph., de Adm. Imp. c. 53. See St. Martin (note on Lebeau, i. 326), who points out that Gibbon has confounded the city of Cherson, to which Constantine Porph. refers, with the whole insula. He is also mistaken in describing the Stephanephoros (who was annually elected) as a perpetual magistrate. Milman calls attention to St. Martin's note.]

the emperor was still more magnificent. The pride of the nation was gratified by the splendid and almost royal decorations bestowed on their magistrate and his successors. A perpetual exemption from all duties was stipulated for their vessels which traded to the ports of the Black Sea. A regular subsidy was promised, of iron, corn, oil, and of every supply which could be useful either in peace or war. But it was thought that the Sarmatians were sufficiently rewarded by their deliverance from impending ruin ; and the emperor, perhaps with too strict an economy, deducted some part of the expenses of the war from the customary gratifications which were allowed to that turbulent nation.* Exasperated by this apparent neglect, the Sarmatians soon Ropshion of

forgot, with the levity of Barbarians, the services which they.o. had so lately received and the dangers which still threatened their safety. Their inroads on the territory of the empire provoked the indignation of Constantine to leave them to their fate, and he no longer opposed the ambition of Geberic, a renowned warrior, who had recently ascended the Gothic throne. Wisumar, the Vandal king, whilst alone and unassisted he defended his dominions with undaunted courage, was vanquished and slain in a decisive battle, which swept away the flower of the Sarmatian youth. The remainder of the nation embraced the desperate expedient of arming their slaves, a hardy race of hunters and herdsmen, by whose tumultuary aid they revenged their defeat and expelled the invader from their confines. But they soon discovered that they had exchanged a foreign for a domestic enemy, more dangerous and more implacable. Enraged by their former servitude, elated by their present glory, the slaves, under the name of Limigantes, claimed and usurped the possession of the country which they had saved. Their masters, unable to withstand the ungoverned fury of the populace, preferred the hardships of exile to the tyranny of their servants. Some of the fugitive Sarmatians solicited a less ignominious dependence, under the hostile standard of the Goths. A more numerous band retired beyond the Carpathian mountains, among the Quadi, their German allies, and were easily admitted to share a superfluous waste of uncultivated land. But the far greater part of the distressed nation turned their eyes towards the fruitful provinces of Rome. Imploring the protection and forgiveness of

* [This is a misconception. No such “deduction” is mentioned in the sources.]

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the emperor, they solemnly promised, as subjects in peace and
as soldiers in war, the most inviolable fidelity to the empire
which should graciously receive them into its bosom. Accord-
ing to the maxims adopted by Probus and his successors, the
offers of this Barbarian colony were eagerly accepted; and a
competent portion of lands, in the provinces of Pannonia, Thrace,
Macedonia, and Italy, were immediately assigned for the habita-
tion and subsistence of three hundred thousand Sarmatians.47
By chastising the pride of the Goths, and by accepting the
homage of a suppliant nation, Constantine asserted the majesty
of the Roman empire; and the ambassadors of Æthiopia, Persia
and the most remote countries of India congratulated the peace
and prosperity of his government.* If he reckoned, among the
favours of fortune, the death of his eldest son, of his nephew,
and perhaps of his wife, he enjoved an uninterrupted flow of
private as well as public felicity, till the thirtieth year of his
reign; a period which none of his predecessors, since Augustus,
had been permitted to celebrate. Constantine survived that
solemn festival about ten months; and, at the mature age of
sixty-four, after a short illness, he ended his memorable life at
the palace of Aquyrion, in the suburbs of Nicomedia, whither
he had retired for the benefit of the air, and with the hope of
recruiting his exhausted strength by the use of the warm baths.
The excessive demonstrations of grief, or at least of mourning,
surpassed whatever had been practised on any former occasion.
Notwithstanding the claims of the senate and people of ancient
Rome, the corpse of the deceased emperor, according to his last
request, was transported to the city which was destined to pre-

Constantine,
A D. 335,

25th July

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#!,

47 The Gothic and Sarmatian wars are related in so broken and imperfect a manner that I have been obliged to compare the following writers, who mutually supply, correct, and illustrate each other. Those who will take the same trouble, may acquire a right of criticizing my narrative. Ammianus, l. xvii. c. 12. Anonym. Walesian. p. 715. Eutropius, x. 7, Sextus Rufus de Provinciis, c. 26. Julian. Qrat. i. p. 9, and Spanheim, Comment. p. 94. Hieronym, in Chron. Euseb. in Vit. Constantin. l. iv. c. 6. Socrates, l. i. c. 18. Sozomen, l. i. c. 8. Zosimus, l. ii. p. 108 [c. 21]. Jornandes de Reb. Geticis, c. 22. Isidorus in Chron. p. 709; in Hist. Gothorum Grotii. Constantin. Porpnyrogenitus de administrat. Imperii. c. 3, p. 208, edit. Meursii. [Add Jonn of Antioch, fr. 171 (Müller, F. H. G. 4). t has been conjectured by Böcking that the Sarmatian settlements in Ausonius Mosella 819 were made at this time. Sarmatic games were instituted (C. I. L. i. 407) and Constantine is called Sarmaticus in inscriptions. See Henzen, 5576; Eckhel, 8, 87, IoI, Ioz. *Eusebius (in Vit. Const. l. iv. c. so) remarks three circumstances relative to these Indians. 1. They came from the shores of the eastern ocean; a description which might be applied to the coast of China or Coromandel. 2. They presented shining gems, and unknown animals. 3. They protested their kings had erected statues to represent the supreme majesty of Constantine,

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