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listinction was admitted into the mind and counsels of Julian, - hat, according to the difference of their religious sentiments, »ne part of his subjects deserved his favour and friendship, while the other was entitled only to the common benefits that - his justice could not refuse to an obedient people.* According to a principle, pregnant with mischief and oppression, the emperor transferred to the pontiffs of his own religion the management of the liberal allowances from the public revenue which had been granted to the church by the piety of Constantine and his sons. The proud system of clerical honours and immunities, which had been constructed with so much art and [A.D. ss., labour, was levelled to the ground; the hopes of testamentary donations were intercepted by the rigour of the laws; and the priests of the Christian sect were confounded with the last and most ignominious class of the people. Such of these regulations as appeared necessary to check the ambition and avarice of the ecclesiastics were soon afterwards imitated by the wisdom of an orthodox prince. The peculiar distinctions which policy has bestowed, or superstition has lavished, on the sacerdotal order must be confined to those priests who profess the religion of the state. But the will of the legislator was not exempt from prejudice and passion; and it was the object of the insidious policy of Julian to deprive the Christians of all the temporal honours and advantages which rendered them respectable in the eyes of the world.” A just and severe censure has been inflicted on the law which Horohibits prohibited the Christians from teaching the arts of grammar: and rhetoric.” The motives alleged by the emperor to justify to , this partial and oppressive measure might command, during his .D. 362] lifetime, the silence of slaves and the applause of flatterers. Julian abuses the ambiguous meaning of a word which might be indifferently applied to the language and the religion of the GREEks: he contemptuously observes that the men who exalt

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"Avôpas [leg. ãvepas] ot re 6eolow drex0avr' 30avárowaw.

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These two lines, which Julian has changed and 3. in the true spirit of a bigot (Epist. xlix), are taken from the speech of lus, when he refuses to grant o: a fresh supply of winds (Odyss. x. 73). Libanius (Orat. Parental. c. lix. p.286) attempts to justify this partial behaviour by an apology in which persecution peeps through the mask of candour.

*These laws which affected the clergy may be found in the slight hints of Julian himself (Epist, lii), in the vague declamations of Gregory (Orat. in. p. 86, 87), and in the positive assertions of Sozomen (l. v. c. 5). [See Cod. Theod. 12,

1, 50. : * Inclemens . . . perenni obruendum silentio. Ammian. xxii. Io, xxv. 5.

the merit of implicit faith are unfit to claim or to enjoy the advantages of science; and he vainly contends that, if they refuse to adore the gods of Homer and Demosthenes, they ought to content themselves with expounding Luke and Matthew in the churches of the Galilaeans.” In all the cities of the Roman world, the education of the youth was entrusted to masters of grammar and rhetoric ; who were elected by the magistrates. maintained at the public expense, and distinguished by many lucrative and honourable privileges. The edict of Julian appears to have included the physicians, and professors of all the liberal arts; and the emperor, who reserved to himself the approbation of the candidates, was authorized by the laws to corrupt, or to punish, the religious constancy of the most learned of the Christians.” As soon as the resignation of the more obstinate 98 teachers had established the unrivalled dominion of the Pagan sophists, Julian invited the rising generation to resort with freedom to the public schools, in a just confidence that their tender minds would receive the impressions of literature and idolatry. If the greatest part of the Christian youth should be deterred by their own scruples, or by those of their parents, from accepting this dangerous mode of instruction, they must at the same time relinquish the benefits of a liberal education. Julian had reason to expect that, in the space of a few years, the church would relapse into its primaeval simplicity, and that the theologians, who possessed an adequate share of the learning and eloquence of the age, would be succeeded by a generation of blind and ignorant fanatics, incapable of defending the truth of their own principles or of exposing the various follies of Polytheism.94

* The edict itself, which is still extant among the epistles of Julian (xiii.), may be compared with the loose invectives of Gregory (Orat. iii. p. 96). Tillemont (Mém. Ecclés. t. vii. p. 1291-1294) has collected the seeming differences of ancients and moderns. They may be easily reconciled. The Christians were directly forbid to teach, they were indirectly forbid to learn ; since they would not frequent the schools of the Pagans. Codex Theodos. l. xiii. tit. iii. de medicis et professoribus, leg. 5 (published the 17th June, received, at Spoleto in Italy, the 29th of July, A.D. 363), with Godefroy's Illustrations, tom. v. p. 31. * Orosius celebrates their disinterested resolution, Sicut a majoribus nostris compertum habemus, omnes ubique propemodum . . . . officium quam fidem deserere maluerunt, vii. 30. Proaeresius, a Christian sophist, refused to accept the partial favour of the emperor, Hieronym. in Chron. p. 185, edit. Scaliger. Euna. pius in Proaeresio. p. 126. * They had recourse to the expedient of composing books for their own schools. . Within a few months Apollinaris produced his Christian imitations of Homer (a sacred history in xxiv books), Pindar, Euripides, and Menander; and Sozomen is satisfied that they equalled, or excelled, the originals.

It was undoubtedly the wish and the design of Julian to de-prograe, and prive the Christians of the advantages of wealth, of knowledge, too...! ... and of power; but the injustice of excluding them from all offices of trust and profit seems to have been the result of his general policy rather than the immediate consequence of any positive -law.” Superior merit might deserve, and obtain, some extraor- dinary exceptions; but the greater part of the Christian officers ... were gradually removed from their employments in the state, , the army, and the provinces. The hopes of future candidates were extinguished by the declared partiality of a prince who - maliciously reminded them that it was unlawful for a Christian - to use the sword either of justice or of war; and who studiously guarded the camp and the tribunals with the ensigns of ... idolatry. The powers of government were entrusted to the Pagans, who professed an ardent zeal for the religion of their ancestors; and, as the choice of the emperor was often directed by the rules of divination, the favourites whom he preferred as the most agreeable to the gods did not always obtain the approbation of mankind.” Under the administration of their enemies, the Christians had much to suffer, and more to appre... hend. The temper of Julian was averse to cruelty; and the care of his reputation, which was exposed to the eyes of the universe, restrained the philosophic monarch from violating the laws of justice and toleration which he himself had so recently established. But the provincial ministers of his authority were ... placed in a less conspicuous station. In the exercise of arbitrary power, they consulted the wishes, rather than the commands, of their sovereign; and ventured to exercise a secret and vexatious tyranny against the sectaries, on whom they were not permitted to confer the honours of martyrdom. The emperor, who dissembled as long as possible his knowledge of the injustice that was exercised in his name, expressed his real sense of the conduct of his officers by gentle reproofs and substantial rewards.97 The most effectual instrument of oppression with which *::::::: to were armed was the law that obliged the Christians to make full and ample satisfaction for the temples which they had destroyed under the preceding reign. The zeal of the triumphant church had not always expected the sanction of the public authority; and the bishops, who were secure of impunity, had often marched, at the head of their congregations, to attack and demolish the fortresses of the prince of darkness. The consecrated lands, which had increased the patrimony of the sovereign or of the clergy, were clearly defined, and easily restored. But on these lands, and on the ruins of Pagan superstition, the Christians had frequently erected their own religious edifices: and, as it was necessary to remove the church before the temple could be rebuilt, the justice and piety of the emperor were applauded by one party, while the other deplored and execrated his sacrilegious violence.* After the ground was cleared, the restitution of those stately structures which had been levelled with the dust and of the precious ornaments which had been converted to Christian uses swelled into a very large account of damages and debt. The authors of the injury had neither the ability nor the inclination to discharge this accumulated demand: and the impartial wisdom of a legislator would have been displayed in balancing the adverse claims and complaints, by an equitable and temperate arbitration. But the whole empire, and particularly the East, was thrown into confusion by the rash edicts of Julian; and the Pagan magistrates, inflamed by zeal and revenge, abused the rigorous privilege of the Roman law, which substitutes, in the place of his inadequate property, the person of the insolvent debtor. Under the preceding reign, Mark, bishop of Arethusa,” had laboured in the conversion of his people with arms more effectual than those of persuasion.” The magistrates required the full value of a temple which had been destroyed by his intolerant zeal: but, as they were satisfied of his poverty, they desired only to bend his inflexible spirit to the promise of the slightest compensation. They apprehended the aged prelate, they inhumanly scourged [A.D. on him, they tore his beard; and his naked body, anointed with honey, was suspended in a net between heaven and earth, and exposed to the stings of insects and the rays of a Syrian sun.10 From this lofty station, Mark still persisted to glory in his crime and to insult the impotent rage of his persecutors. He was at length rescued from their hands, and dismissed to enjo the honour of his divine triumph. The Arians celebrated the virtue of their pious confessor; the Catholics ambitiously claimed his alliance; 10° and the Pagans, who might be susceptible of shame or remorse, were deterred from the repetition of such unavailing cruelty.” Julian spared his life: but, if the bishop of Arethusa had saved the infancy of Julian,” posterity will condemn the ingratitude, instead of praising the clemency, of the emperor. At the distance of five miles from Antioch, the Macedonian rhetemple kings of Syria had consecrated to Apollo one of the most elegant :* places of devotion in the Pagan world.” A magnificent temple phne rose in honour of the god of light; and his colossal figure 1* almost filled the capacious sanctuary, which was enriched with gold and gems, and adorned by the skill of the Grecian artists. The

* It was the instruction of Julian to his magistrates (Epist. vii) mportuñorea, new Pagao too rows 9eooreflets kai mávv onut 8eiv. Sozomen (l. v. c. ; and Socrates (l. iii. c. temples 13) must be reduced to the standard of Gregory (Orat. iii. p. 95), not less prone to oggeration. but more restrained by the actual knowledge of his contemporary readers. ***** 6.e5, kai 3.8ois rot an 8.80's. Libanius, Orat. Parent. c. 88, p. 314. :* Greg. Naz. Orat. iii. p. 74, 91, 92. Socrates, l. iii. c. 14. Theodoret, l. iii. c. 6. Some drawback may however be allowed for the violence of their zeal, not less partial than the zeal of Julian. [On Julian's persecutions, compare Mr. Gwatkin's Arianism, p. 21.5 sqq.

* If we compare the gentle language of Libanius (Orat. Parent. c. 60, p. 286) with the passionate exclamations of Gregory (Orat. iii. p. 86, 87), we may find it difficult to persuade ourselves that the two orators are really describing the same events.

99 Restan, or Arethusa, at the equal distance of sixteen miles between Emesa (Hems) and Epiphania (Hamath), was founded, or at least named, by Seleucus Nicator. Its peculiar aera dates from the year of Rome 685 according to the medals of the city. In the decline of the Seleucides, Emesa and Arethusa were usurped by the Arab Sampsiceramus, whose posterity, the vassals of Rome, were not extinguished in the reign of Vespasian. See d'Anville's Maps and Géographie Ancienne, tom. ii. p. 134. Wesseling. Itineraria, p 188, and Noris. Epoch. SyroMacedon. p. 80,481,482.

100 Sozomen, 1. v. c. Io. It is surprising that Gregory and Theodoret should suppress a circumstance which, in their eyes, must have enhanced the religious merit of the confessor.

10. The sufferings and constancy of Mark, which Gregory has so tragically painted KOrat. iii. p. 88-91 so c. 88 sqq.]), are confirmed by the unexceptionable and reluctant evidence of Libanius. Mápxos iretvos rosuáuevos, rai Maoriyovuevos, rat roi mayovos avro roaxouévov rávra oveykov čvapetos vov igó0sós art, rais rouais, rāv bavi rovtrepoxyros evows. Epist. 730, p. 350, 351, edit. Wolf. Amstel. 1738. *IIeptudynros, certatim eum sibi ičjo vindicant. It is thus that La Croze and Wolfius (ad loc.) have explained a Greek word whose true signification had been mistaken by former interpreters, and even by Le Clerc (Bibliothèque Ancienne et Moderne, tom. iii. p. 371). Yet Tillemont is strangely puzzled to understand (Mém. Ecclés. tom. vii. p. 1309) how Gregory and Theodoret could mistake a Semi-Arian bishop for a saint. *See the probable advice of Sallust (Greg. Nazianzen, Orat. iii. 9o, 91). Libanius intercedes for a similar offender, lest they should find many Marks; yet he allows that, if Orion had secreted the consecrated wealth, he deserved to #: the Poio of Marsyas: to be flayed alive (Epist. 730, p. 349-551). *Gregory (Orat. iii. p. 9o [iv., c. 91]) is satisfied that, by saving the apostate, Mark had deserved still more than he had suffered. *The grove and temple of Daphne are described by Strabo (l. xvi. p. 1089, 1990, edit. Amstel. 1707), Libanius (Nenia, p. 185, 188, Antiochic. Orat. xi. p. 38o, 381), and Sozomen (l. v. c. 19). Wesseling (Itinerar. p. 581) and Casaubono: Hist. August. p. 64) illustrate this curious subject. 1° Simulacrum in ed Olympiaci Jovis imitamenti aequiparans magnitudinem. Ammian. xxii. 13. The Olympic Jupiter was sixty feet high, and his bulk was consequently equal to that of a thousand men. See a curious Mémoire of the Abbé Gedoyn (Académie des Inscriptions, tom. ix. p. 198). 30

WOL. II.

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