zeal has justly led them to consider the destruction of the frontiers as a national misfortune.

warmly seconded by those, at least, whose | that, as in the one case the jurisdiction of congress could not, of right, extend to Georgia and South Carolina, so in the other, our sovereignty would be restricted in point of territory, and our act could not rightfully bind the inhabitants of the counties in the power of the enemy. Consequences so detrimental to both, we are persuaded, were not foreseen by those among our constituents who wish well to the cause of their country, otherwise we flatter ourselves that this matter would not have been suggested as a grievance.

Thus, friends and fellow-citizens, impelled by the laudable principle that the public weal only ought to influence the conduct of its servants, have we admitted the justice of some of your complaints, promised our endeavors to lessen the cause of others, submitted to your candor our observations on those which we cannot deem grievous, pointed at the embarrassments which surround us, and the means we have pursued to remove them; but while duty dictated this line of conduct on our part, it becomes us, the temporary representatives of the

We see with pain, many of the inhabitants of the state remonstrating against that as a grievance which, as a part of the original constitution, is so intimately interwoven therewith, as not to be rent from it without destroying the fabric, namely the share which the representatives of the southern part of the state have in legislation. We find ourselves constrained to declare, that we cannot consider this as a proper subject of complaint. A convention was chosen for the whole state, and consisted of deputies from every county, with unlimited powers to institute and establish a government which should conclude the whole. Whilst this great business was in agitation, the southern counties became under a restraint from the enemy and the convention made provision for affording to the inhabitants of those counties as much of the benefits of the constitution as their situation and circumstances would admit. We presume the convention were convinced, that as legisla-majesty of the people, to prosecute this address tion and representation is the leading principle in our constitution, it would, therefore, be highly unjust, if because our brethren were unfortunate and could not enjoy the whole of their inheritance, we should deprive them of that in which they could participate. To prevent this injustice, and influenced by motives of necessity and expediency, the convention passed the ordinance which we cannot, without violating the rights of the people, consider otherwise than as part of the constitution, from which we derive our powers, and therefore not to be altered or annulled by us. Independent of these conclusions, which we have drawn from the strict principles of the constitution, we find our conduct supported by the example of the great council of the United States. Congress has allowed, and doth still permit the delegates from Georgia and South Carolina to sit, debate, and vote, although the former is entirely in possession of the enemy, and the capital of the latter, with a great part of the state, experience the same misfortune. Indeed, should the delegates of those states, or the representatives of those counties be deprived of their seats, the former might of right, and agreeable to the law of nations, separate from the federal union, enter into compacts with other nations, and even unite with Great Britain-and the latter might on the same principles hold a similar conduct with respect to us. We forbear to enter into a further detail of reasoning on this subject, presuming that the least reflection will discover

in a style which freemen ought to use to their equals; and we therefore cannot hesitate to assert, that it is incumbent on you candidly to distinguish between errors in the general system of the laws themselves, and the persons employed in the execution of them; between those which care and attention in your legislature and magistrates may remedy, those which your situation and circumstances render unavoidable. Your representations have been useful in pointing out defects, but in your fortitude, in a due obedience to the laws, and in a determination to support the authority of government can relief only be obtained against partial burdens, and although we cannot suspect that you will be remiss in these great duties of the good citizens, yet it behoves us to advise you, that a criminal negligence has been lately too prevalent with some; that it is your duty to interfere, especially whilst the British tyrant insults you with his unmeaning offers of peace and pardon, and whilst his infamous emissaries industriously attempt to excite the honest, but credulous friends of his country, to unwarrantable commotions, and induce him to mix with well founded grievances, those that do not exist. We mention this to sound the alarm to you whose zeal and firmness have remained unshaken in every vicissitude of the present contest, that the weak and unwary may, by your example, be led to the better policy of removing the difficulties and embarrassments which lay between us and the great objects we

have in view, INDEPENDENCE, LIBERTY and | your part, you may shortly hope, under your PEACE, and not, by throwing fresh difficulties in the way, remove to a more remote period the completion of your wish.

own vine and your own fig-tree, to spend the remainder of your days in tranquility and ease when the dangers you have passed, and the difficulties you sustain, will only seem to heighten your enjoyments; when you will look forward to the applauses of succeeding ages, and extend your happiness to the most remote period, by anticipating that which your exertions shall transmit to your posterity.

But, friends, fellow citizens and countrymen, vain is your hope to experience these glorious rewards, for all your toils, and quaff the cup of bliss; in vain has our hardy ancestor traversed the trackless ocean to seek in the wilds of the new world a refuge from the oppressions of the old; in vain for our sakes has he fled from that tyranny which, by taxing industry, transmits poverty as an inheritance from one generation to another; in vain has he strove with the ruthless barbarian, and with the various difficulties incident on the emigration to countries untrodden by civilized man; if, by internal discord, by a pusillanimous impatience under unavoidable burthens, by an immoderate attachment to perishable property, by an intemperate jealousy of those servants whom each revolving year may displace from your confidence, by forgetting those fundamental principles which induced America to separate from Britain, we play into the hands of a haughty nation, spurred on to perseverance in injury, by a despairing yet unrelenting tyrant, and his rapacious minions.

Listen, friends, fellow-citizens, and countrymen, to the recommendations of that great and good man, whose virtues and patriotism, as the soldier and the citizen, have drawn down the admiration, not of America only, but all Europe; whose well-earned fame will roll down the tide of time until it is absorbed in the abyss of eternity: listen to what he recommended to your army on a recent and an alarming occasion, and seriously apply it to yourselves and to us: "The general is deeply sensible of the sufferings of the army; he leaves no expedient unused to relieve them, and he is persuaded that congress and the several states are doing everything in their power for the same purpose. But while we look to the public for the fulfilment of its engagements, we should do it with proper allowance for the embarrassments of public affairs; we began a contest for liberty and independence, ill provided for with the means of war, relying on our patriotism to supply deficiencies; we expected to encounter many wants and difficulties, and we should neither shrink from them when they happen, nor fly in the face of law and government to procure redress. There is no doubt the public will, in the event, do ample justice to the men fighting and suffering in their defence; but it is our duty to bear present evils with fortitude, looking forward to the period when our country will have it more in its Your representatives feel themselves incapapower to reward our services. History is full of ble of believing that any but the misguided, examples of armies suffering, with patience, the the weak and the unwary among our fellowextremities of distress which exceed those we citizens, can be guilty of so foully staining the have experienced, and those in the cause of am- honor of the state, and wantonly becoming bition and conquest, not in that of the rights of parricides of their own, and the peace and haphumanity, of their country, of their families, and piness of their posterity.-Let us then all, for of themselves. Shall we, who aspire to the dis-our interest is the same, with one heart and tinction of a patriot army, who are contending one voice, mutually aid and support each for everything precious in society, against everything hateful and degrading in slavery; shall we, who call ourselves citizens, discover less constancy, and military virtue, than the mercenary instruments of ambition ?"

These are the sentiments of a Washington, and although he had not us immediately in view, yet every sentence is replete with wholesome admonition to all orders of men in these states. The force and artifice of the enemy, have hitherto proved equally abortive. Britain's proud boasts of conquest are no more, and all Europe detests her cause. You are already within sight of the promised land, and, by the blessing of Heaven, and adequate efforts on

other. Let us steadily, unanimously, and vigorously, prosecute the great business of establishing our independence. Thus shall we be free ourselves, and leave the blessings of freedom to millions yet unborn.

ADDRESS

OF CITIZENS OF THE CITY OF NEW YORK
TO GENERAL WASHINGTON, AND GOVER-
NOR CLINTON, AFTER THE EVACUATION
OF THE CITY BY THE BRITISH FORCES
IN 1783.

A committee had been appointed by the citizens to wait upon General Washington and Governor Clinton and other American officers, and to express their joyful congratulation to them upon this occasion. A procession for this purpose formed in the Bowery, marched through a part of the city, and halted at a tavern, then known by the name of Cape's tavern, in Broadway, where the following addresses were delivered. Mr. Thomas Tucker, late of this town, and, at that time, a reputable merchant in New York, a member of the committee, was selected to perform the office on the part of the committee.

TO HIS EXCELLENCY GEORGE WASH-
INGTON, ESQ.

GENERAL AND COMMANDER IN CHIEF OF
THE ARMIES OF THE UNITED STATES
OF AMERICA.

The address of the citizens of New York,

who have returned from exile, in behalf of themselves and their suffering breth

ren:

GEN. WASHINGTON'S REPLY

TO THE FOREGOING ADDRESS, NEW YORK,
Nov. 25, 1783.

GENTLEMEN-I thank you sincerely for your affectionate address, and entreat you to agreeable to me than your polite congratulabe persuaded that nothing could be more tions. Permit me, in return, to felicitate you on the happy repossession of your city.

Great as your joy must be on this pleasing occasion, it can scarcely exceed that which I feel at seeing you, gentlemen, who, from the noblest motives, have suffered a voluntary exile of many years, return again in peace and triumph to enjoy the fruits of your virtuous conduct.

The fortitude and perseverance which you and your suffering brethren have exhibited in the course of the war, have not only endeared you to your countrymen, but will be remembered with admiration and applause, to the latest posterity.

SIR-At a moment when the army of tyranny is yielding up its fondest usurpations, we hope the salutations of long suffering exiles, but now happy freemen, will not be deemed an unhappy tribute. In this place, and at this moment of exultation and triumph, while the ensigns of slavery still linger in our sight, we look up to you, our deliverer, with unusual transports of gratitude and joy. Permit us to welcome you to this city, long torn from us by the hard hand of oppression, but now, by your wisdom and energy, under the guidance of Providence, once more the seat of peace and May the tranquility of your city be perpetual freedom. We forbear to speak our gratitude-may the ruins soon be repaired, commerce or your praise. We should but echo the voice of applauding millions. But the citizens of New York are eminently indebted to your virtues; and we, who have now the honor to address your excellency, have often been companions of your sufferings and witnesses of your exertions. Permit us, therefore, to approach your excellency with the dignity and

flourish, science be fostered, and all the civil and social virtues be cherished in the same illustrious manner which formerly reflected so much credit on the inhabitants of New York. In fine, may every species of felicity attend you, gentlemen, and your worthy fellow-citi

zens.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

THE ADDRESS TO GOV. CLINTON | esteem of mankind; and your confidence and

WITH THE ANSWER.

TO HIS EXCELLENCY GEORGE CLINTON,
ESQUIRE, GOVERNOR OF THE STATE OF
NEW YORK, COMMANDER IN CHIEF OF
THE MILITIA, AND ADMIRAL OF THE

NAVY OF THE SAME.

approbation are honors which cannot be received without the utmost sensibility or contemplated without gratitude and satisfaction.

To your sufferings and to the invincible spirit with which they were surmounted, I have been witness, I have deeply lamented that I had not means to alleviate them equal to my inclination.

The address of the citizens of New York, who have returned from exile, in behalf of them-administration of government, give me singuThe assurances of your firm support in the selves and their suffering brethren : SIR-When we consider your faithful labors at the head of the government of this state, devoid, as we conceive every free people ought to be, of flattery, we think we should not be wanting in gratitude to your vigilant and assiduous services in the civil line.

The state, sir, is highly indebted to you in your military capacity; a sense of your real merit will secure to you that reputation which a brave man opposing himself in defence of his country, will ever deserve.

We most sincerely congratulate you on your happy arrival at the capital of the state. Your excellency hath borne a part with us in the general distress, and was ever ready to alleviate the calamities you could not effectually Your example taught us to suffer

remove.

with dignity.

lar pleasure. A reverence for the laws is peculiarly essential to public safety and prosperity under our free constitution; and should we suffer the authority of the magistrate to be violated for the sake of private vengeance, we should be unworthy of the numberless blessings which an indulgent Providence hath placed in our reach. I shall endeavor steadily to discharge my duty, and I flatter myself that this state will become no less distinguished for justice and public tranquility, in peace, than it has hitherto been marked, in war, for vigor, fortitude and perseverance.

GENTLEMEN-Your kind congratulations on my arrival at this metropolis, after so long an absence, are highly acceptable, and I most cordially felicitate you on the joyful events which have restored us to the free and uncontrolable enjoyment of our rights. While we regard, with inviolable gratitude and affection all who have aided us by their counsel or their arms, let us not be unmindful of that Almighty Being, whose gracious Providence has been manifestly interposed for our deliverance and protection, and let us shew by our virtues that we deserve to partake of the freedom, sovereignty and independence which are so happily established throughout these United States. GEORGE CLINTON. New-York, 25th Nov. 1783.

DR. TUSTEN,

SOUTHOLD, LONG ISLAND.

Sketch of Revolutionary History.—At the late anniversary meeting of the Medical Society of Orange county, an address was delivered by Dr. Arnell, in which he introduced a biography of DR. TUSTEN, a native of Southold, L. I., who was a distinguished practitioner in the early settlement of that county. In relation to the death of Dr. Tusten, his biographer gives the following interesting sketch of our revolutionary history:

In June, 1779, colonel Brandt, who com

manded the six nations of Indians, left Niagara, | colonel Hathorn, of the Warwick regiment, with about 300 warriors and a number of who, being the oldest colonel and highest tories, who had joined that murderous crew, officer in rank, took the command. He called with an intention of destroying the settlements a council and himself opposed the pursuit, but upon the Delaware river, which was then con- here it was urged that they had a pilot, captain sidered as the frontier of our unsettled country. Tyler, who was as well acquainted with the On the 20th of July, he appeared on the west woods as any among their enemies, and who of Minisink-he sent down a party which could bring them to a spot most eligible for an destroyed the settlement, burnt several houses, attack with perfect safety, and the same scene and plundered the inhabitants, returning with of bullying was acted by major Meeker, who is their ill-gotten booty to the main body, which well calculated by the poet, "a fool devoid of lay then at Grassy Swamp Brook. An express rule," and the fatal line of march was again was immediately dispatched to colonel Tusten, commenced. They had not proceeded far his superior officer, General Allison, being before Brandt discovered them-he ordered a then confined in New York, having been taken few of his Indians to keep in sight and decoy prisoner at the battle of Fort Montgomery- them to the very spot where they intended to the colonel received the news that evening-he surprise him; but before they reached the instantly issued orders to the officers of the place captain Tyler was shot, which damped regiment to rendezvous at Minisink, where he the spirits of our men. During this confusion would meet them. Having taken an affection- a party of Indians hove in sight-colonel H. ate, and it proved a final, leave of his family, he ordered that no man should fire until they had collected what few he could, and was at the prepared for a general battle; a large Indian appointed place by morning. In the after part however rode past on a horse which had been of that day, about 120 men were collected, stolen from Minisink, and which one of our when a council was held, to determine whether men knew; the temptation was too great, and it would be best to pursue the Indians into the our hero fired his rifle and brought the Indian woods; a majority of the officers were in favor to the ground. The advanced Indians then of that measure; colonel Tusten, who viewed fired and rushed towards our men, in order to things in a calm manner and judicious light, divide them, and about thirty were separated was opposed to that plan; he gave, as his from the main body, who could not afterwards reasons for his opposition, that the men were be brought into action. In a few minutes not sufficiently supplied with ammunition for a Brandt appeared with his whole force, when battle that there were probably a much the firing became general. A very confused greater number of Indians than had been seen and irregular fire was kept up from behind -that they were piloted by tories and Indians trees and rocks both by the Indians and our well acquainted with the woods, and comFrom the situation in which they were manded by Brandt, a well known warrior, who placed every one fought in his own way, and it would never risk a battle unless he had superior was impossible for any one to command: advantages. To this was answered, that there colonel Tusten retired to a spot surrounded by was no danger of their numbers-that the rocks, where he directed the wounded to be Indians dare not fight-that they had several conveyed to him, and he now became the cattle and horses which they had plundered surgeon and friend of the wounded. Early in from the inhabitants which they must guard the battle he had received a slight wound in or leave upon the appearance of an enemy- the hand, though not sufficient to prevent his that they might be pursued with deliberation dressing the wounds of the soldiers. The until they came to the fording place of the battle lasted the whole day; the Indians conDelaware river, which was near the entrance stantly endeavoring to divide and break the of Lacawac river into the Delaware, and finally, main body which had possession of the ground major Meeker mounted his horse and flourished until sunset, when their ammunition was his sword, requesting all those who were men expended, and a general retreat was ordered— of courage to follow him, and let the cowards no regularity could be preserved, and every one stay behind. This last appeal was too much was left to effect his escape in the best manner for American valor, and the men immediately he could-some crossed the river, while others turned out, determined to pursue and destroy were shot in it; some retreated through the the Indians or perish in the attempt. They woods, while others were destroyed in the marched that evening about seventeen miles, attempt; but now a scene presented itself when they encamped for the night. which of all others was the most trying. Dr.

men.

In the morning they were overtaken by Tusten had seventeen with him, whose wounds