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regulations necessary; and made concession, "under adequate checks, conducive to the social "settlement of Ireland. He adverted to the mag"nitude of catholic population; the struggles for power, that had, for centuries, divided and de"solated the country; the severe laws, which the protestants, a minority in Ireland, but a majority "in the scale of the empire*, had felt themselves "compelled, under an overruling necessity, to "enact, for their own preservation ;-Laws framed "to depress catholic power, and to secure the state "and the church, by weakening opponents, then "unhappily hostile to both. Happy times had "succeeded. The last century in Ireland had been "one of comparative repose and returning concord. "The protestants had met the change with corres"ponding sentiments, and we had the satisfaction

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to observe, under the benevolent protection of "his present majesty, the catholics relieved from "all the severities and the greater part of the dis"abilities of that painful code; but still, whilst "the roman-catholics have long ceased to be ȧ

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* This seems to require some explanation :-The word protestant" may be used to denote either all the subjects of his majesty who believe in Christ, and are not in communion with the see of Rome; or those only who are members of the established church. In the first sense, a large majority of his majesty's subjects, unless we take his infidel and mahometan subjects into calculation, is protestant: in the latter sense, the protestants are less in number than the aggregate amount of his majesty's other christian subjects; it may even be questioned, whether, in this sense, the protestants of the established church are as numerous as the roman-catholic subjects of his majesty.

'depressed and impoverished people; whilst all "the means of acquiring wealth, influence, and, of "course, power, have been communicated to them, "little progress has been made in considering how "this mighty interest in the scale, not only of Ire- . "land, but of the empire, can best be brought into "useful connection with the state.

"His right hon. friend (sir W. Scott,) had truly "described the great power and influence which every where appertains to the roman-catholic

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hierarchy, and no where, in a greater degree, than "in Ireland. It might be doubted, whether the "influence of the roman-catholic clergy in Ireland "was not the most powerful instrument that existed, in that country, to direct the minds of the people; not merely with respect to their spiritual, "but their temporal, concerns. How important then, "to the peace, as well as social and moral improve"ment of the country, that the clergy of so large

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a proportion of the people should be connected "with the state, by every tie of common interest, "which may be compatible with the principles of "their religion and the character of its ministers!

"When he expressed his desire to see such a "connection established, it was not in the expecta"tion of imposing upon them, any unbecoming or

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unworthy influence, which might lower them in the "minds of their own people, and disqualify them for "the due discharge of their sacred functions. It was no part of his purpose to endeavour to extinguish the roman-catholic religion in Ireland: he might lament the extent of sectarism in the em

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"pire, as adding largely to the difficulties of "verning it; but he was sure any attempt, at this "time, to disturb the faith and habits of a people,

long attached, under every difficulty, to their religion, was equally unwise and impracticable; "his wish was, therefore, not that they should cease "to be roman-catholics, for if they did, they pro

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bably would cease to have any religion; it was, "that they should continue to be sincere, but liberal "roman-catholics, connecting themselves with their "own government, for purposes of mutual benefit,' "to the exclusion of all foreign connection.

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"It was not, as justifying any reflection upon "the roman-catholic body in Ireland, he felt it' necessary to observe, that, not only no connection "at this moment subsisted between their church "and the temporal state, under which they lived;"such as has been known to exist, both between "roman-catholic governments and roman-catholic "churches, but between protestant governments "and roman-catholic churches,--without any in"fraction of the principles of their faith;-but that "the catholic hierarchy in Ireland is known to be, "at this day, in a state of more complete and unqualified dependence upon a foreign authority, "than any other catholic church, now subsisting "in Europe. It is no reproach to the catholic clergy in Ireland, that the liberties of their church "have not been vindicated in former times, as successfully, against the see of Rome, as those of "the Gallican or other roman-catholic churches "have been. Such efforts have seldom been made, successfully, except in concert with, and at the

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"instance of the state itself. It has been the un"fortunate policy of the British government, since "the Reformation, instead of endeavouring to limit "and control papal authority,-(so far as papal

power may, consistently with the principles of the "roman-catholic church, be limited and controlled), "-to aim at a fruitless and ineffectual exclusion "of what they never did, nor could, effectually "exclude. If such a policy were ever rational, it "is obviously inapplicable to times, when the re"ligion of the roman-catholics is not only recog"nised and established by law; but those, who "profess it, admitted to the exercise, if not to all, "at least to some of the most important privileges "of the constitution.

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"Is it not obvious, then, that the state and the "roman-catholics have a common interest in obtaining such safeguards against the abuse of "papal authority and foreign influence, as other "states, both roman-catholic and protestant, have "established, without prejudice to the principles "of the roman-catholic church, and with the full "acquiescence and sanction of the pope himself? "And surely, if, at former periods, such securities "were desirable, how indispensably necessary have

they become, since the head of that church has "not only ceased, in common with the other states "of Europe, to be free, but has been enslaved as "a prisoner, within the territories of the enemy*?

"Such were the feelings and impressions, under “ which Mr. Pitt's government, at the period of the • The reader will recollect that Buonaparte was at this time in the zenith of his power, and held the pope in captivity.

"Union, contemplated the possibility of effecting "a general settlement.

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Upon the ecclesiastical part of the arrangement, "lord Castlereagh was authorised, in the year 1799, "to communicate with the catholic clergy. It was "then distinctly understood, that the consideration "of the political claims of the catholics must re"main for the consideration of the imperial par"liament; but the expediency of making, without delay, some provision for their clergy, under proper regulations, was so generally recognised, even by those, who were averse to concessions of " a political nature, that a communication was officially opened with the heads of their clergy upon "the subject.

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"The result of their deliberations was laid before government, in certain resolutions, signed by ten "of their bishops, including the four metropolitans, "in January 1799."

LXXXVI. 2.

January 1799.

Resolutions of the Irish Prelates in favour of the Veto..

THE following is an authentic copy of these celebrated resolutions.

"At a meeting of the roman-catholic prelates, "held in Dublin the 17th, 18th and 19th of Ja

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nuary 1799, to deliberate on a proposal, from

government, for an independent provision for the "roman-catholic clergy of Ireland, under certain regulations, not incompatible with their doctrines, discipline, or just influence,-it was admitted,

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