speaking generally, it places the catholics on a level with their fellow-subjects in Ireland, except that they continue excluded from both houses of parliament, and from about 20,000 functions or offices of power and emolument*. Thus between them and their fellow-subjects, a distinction, not so great as it was formerly, but still very strongly marked, and pressing very heavily upon them, is continued. It keeps them from falling into the general mass of the community, and renders them a separate cast; which it is an alleged principle of the constitution to behold with jealousy, and to keep, without regard to their feelings or their interest, in a state of political degradation and subserviency. Can this be just? Can that, which is unjust, be expedient?

To entitle them to the benefit of some of the provisions of this act, the catholics were required by it to take the following oath :

"I, A. B. do hereby declare, that I do profess "the roman-catholic religion. I, A. B. do swear, "that I do abjure, condemn and detest, as un"christian and impious, the principle that it is "lawful to murder, destroy, or any ways injure

any person whatsoever, for or under the pretence "of being an heretic; and I do declare solemnly "before God, that I believe that no act in itself unjust, immoral, or wicked, can ever be justified or excused by, or under pretence, or colour, that "it was done either for the good of the church, or

"in obedience to any ecclesiastical power what66 soever. I also declare, that it is not an article "of the catholic faith, neither am I thereby required "to believe or profess, that the pope is infallible, "or that I am bound to obey any order in its own "nature immoral, though the pope or any eccle"siastical power should issue or direct such order; "but, on the contrary, I hold, that it would be "sinful in me to pay any respect or obedience "thereto; I further declare, that I do not believe "that any sin whatsoever committed by me can be forgiven at the mere will of any pope, or any

66

66

priest, or of any person whatsoever; but that "sincere sorrow for past sins, a firm and sincere "resolution to avoid future guilt, and to atone to "God, are previous and indispensable requisites "to establish a well-founded expectation of for"giveness; and that any person who receives "absolution without these previous requisites, so "far from obtaining thereby any remission of his "sins, incurs the additional guilt of violating a sacrament; and I do swear, that I will defend "to the utmost of my power, the settlement and "arrangement of property in this country, as estab"lished by the laws now in being; I do hereby "disclaim, disavow, and solemnly abjure any in"tention to subvert the present church establish"ment, for the purpose of substituting a catholic "establishment in its stead; and I do solemnly "swear, that I will not exercise any privilege, to "which I am or may become entitled, to disturb

Earl Fitzwilliam's Appointment to the Lieutenancy of Ireland, and Recal.

In the summer of the year 1794, the memorable coalition took place between Mr. Pitt and the Rockingham party. The terms of it, in respect to Ireland, are stated explicitly in the celebrated letter of lord Fitzwilliam to lord Carlisle, and this statement has never been contradicted. "When "the duke of Portland, and his friends," says his lordship in this letter," were to be entered into a "coalition with Mr. Pitt's administration, it was

necessary to hold out such allures as would make "the coalition palatable, or even possible for them "to accede to. If the general management and "superintendence of Ireland had not been offered

"to

to his grace, that coalition would never have "taken place: the sentiments he had entertained, "and the language he had held so publicly for

66

years back on the subject, rendered a superin"tendence of Irish affairs a point that could not "be dispensed with by him. It was become of "absolute necessity that it should be transferred

to his management; and accordingly it was "offered from the beginning of the negotiation, "as was also the home department of secretary "of state. Ask the duke of Portland, when he

66

accepted the management of Ireland, if he did it "under any restrictions whatever?"

Thus it was, at the solicitation of the duke of Portland, that lord Fitzwilliam accepted the office of lord lieutenant :-" From the beginning, as well "as through the whole progress of the business, "I acted," says his lordship in the letter which we have just cited, "in perfect conformity with "the original outline settled between me and his "majesty's ministry, previously to my departure "from London. From a full consideration of the "real merits of the case, as well as from every in"formation I had been able to collect of the state " and temper of Ireland, from the year 1790, I was

decidedly of opinion, that not only sound policy "but justice required, on the part of Great Britain, "that the work which was left imperfect at that

period ought to be completed, and the catholics "relieved from every disability. In this opinion "the duke of Portland uniformly concurred with "me; and when the question came under discus

sion, previous to my departure from Ireland, "I found the cabinet, with Mr. Pitt at their head, "strongly impressed with the same conviction. "Had I found it otherwise, I never would have "undertaken the government. I at first proposed "that the additional indulgences should be offered "from the throne; the very best effect would be "secured by this act of unsolicited graciousness; "and the embarrassing consequences, which it "was natural to foresee must result from the mea"sures being left open for any volunteer to bring

"forward, would be timely and happily avoided. "But to this proposal objections were started, that "appeared of sufficient weight to induce the adop❤ "tion of another plan. I consented not to bring "the question forward on the part of government, "but rather to keep it back until a period of more general tranquillity, when so many material objects might not press upon the government; but "as the principle was agreed on, and the necessity "of its being brought into full effect was univer"sally allowed, it was at the same time resolved, "that, if the catholics should appear determined "to stir the business, and bring it before parlia"ment, I was to give it a handsome support on "the part of government."

On the 2d of January 1785, lord Fitzwilliam landed in Dublin, and found that a determination to bring forward the business of their emancipation had been taken by the catholics. Seeing, therefore, that the question would immediately force itself upon the notice of parliament, his lordship, on the third day after his arrival in Ireland, intimated, by letter to the British government, "that "not to grant cheerfully on their part, all the "catholics wished for, would not only be exceed

ingly impolitic, but perhaps dangerous; that, "in doing this, no time was to be lost; that the "business would presently be at hand; and, that "if he received no very peremptory directions to "the contrary, he would acquiesce to the wishes "of the catholics."

Parliament met on the 22d day of January, and