this Directory was his own work, became day by day more formidable to it, on account of his overweening pretensions, and gratitude for his services became very burdensome to the Government.

Such was the position of affairs when we arrived at the Hague. The aim of the mission confided to Deforgues was not clearly defined. At the time of the landing of the English in Holland the French Directory, ill at ease as to the consequences of that aggression, and with little reliance in the talents or trustworthiness of Florent-Guyot, whom, nevertheless, they had appointed Minister Plenipotentiary at the Hague a few months before, conceived the idea of giving him a colleague on whom they could more confidently reckon, and who, bearing the same title and invested with the same attributes, would direct affairs in conformity with the views of the French Government. Nothing more wildly extravagant can be conceived. It was evident that the two could not agree, and that the Minister who until now had exercised his functions independently, would never consent to submit to the instructions of the new comer. I was therefore not at all surprised at the failure of this plan. Florent-Guyot received us very coldly; a long discussion arose between him and Deforgues, in the course of which Florent-Guyot made bitter complaints of the insult inflicted on him, declined to come to any kind of terms, and made us feel that our position was an embarrassing one. On the very next day, therefore, after our arrival at the Hague, I wrote to Reinhart that it was imperatively necessary one of the two Ministers should be recalled. While awaiting a reply to that letter, we could not remain inactive. Deforgues presented his letters of credit, and saw the members of the Dutch Directory, who, being unable to understand this diplomatic anomaly, knew not with which of the two Ministers they ought to deal. Fortunately, circumstances had changed, and fear of the progress of the English arms was nearly at an end. Our mission was therefore almost objectless; only its absurdity remained.

Very soon, in fact, all danger completely disappeared. General Brune had just concluded the terms of a capitulation with the Duke of York, in virtue of which the Anglo-Russian army was to re-embark and evacuate the lands, coasts, islands and seas of the Dutch Republic within fifteen days.* Brune had demanded the restitution of the Dutch fleet as one of the conditions; but the Duke of York did not hold himself authorized to agree to the restitution, and had confined himself to promising his good offices

This capitulation was signed at Alkmaer, 26th Vendémiaire, year VIII. (October 18, 1799), between Brigadier-General Rostolan and MajorGeneral Knox. The text will be found in the Moniteur of 5th Brumaire, year VIII.

with the English Government; an intervention from which nothing was to be expected.

The capitulation was, however, advantageous on every point; it put an end to the war, freed the Dutch territory from a formidable enemy, and inflicted disgrace upon the English, while it ruined their credit in the country. These were considerable results, and nothing was wanting to the glory of the French General. He hastened to the Hague in order to enjoy his triumph.

The flags taken at the battle of Beverwick were presented with great pomp to the Dutch Directory; public fêtes were given, Brune was received with great magnificence by the Dutch Government and was loaded with honours and flattering distinctions. But, in escaping from the English and Russian armies, the Dutch Republic fell under another yoke, no less heavy. Victory had made the French absolute masters of the country; the victorious General demanded large sums of money and constantly complained of not receiving enough. He imperiously dictated laws which had to be obeyed, and, notwithstanding the deference shown to his wishes, his dissatisfaction with the Directory increased in the measure of his exactions. In the course of several conversations with President Van Hoff, I was enabled to perceive how intolerable this state of dependence had become, and that it still further estranged the inhabitants, who were already so ill-disposed towards us. However, far from incurring blame in Paris, the General was encouraged rather to multiply his exactions than to restrict them. He had induced the French Directory to adopt his prejudices against some of the members of the Dutch Government, and particularly against Van der Goes, the Minister of Foreign Affairs. Reinhart, who by having Florent-Guyot recalled, had made our position more tenable and augmented our influence, wrote to us in a more pacific sense; but Brune paid no attention to our information and laughed at our moderation. In short, he completely carried his point, and on the 11th Brumaire (Nov. 10) we received orders from the Directory to demand the dismissal of the four Ministers Van der Goes, from External Relations," Pyman, from War; Spoores, from the Navy; and Gogel, from Finance. All four were disliked by the Patriot party, who could not forgive them the part they had taken in the Revolution of the 12th of June, 1798. Yet they were men of worth; Gogel, especially, was distinguished as a financier, and was believed to be perfectly conversant with the resources of Holland. It was easy to see by this action on the part of the Executive Directory in Paris that, since the 30th Prairial, and the expulsion of Merlin, Treilhard and Lareveillère-Lepaux, the Government, led by the new Jacobins of the Riding-School Club, leaned exclusively on the extreme Patriot party,

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A CRISIS IN HOLLAND.

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and wished to establish it also in the Dutch Republic, by undoing. what had been accomplished on the 12th of June, 1798. Daendels, who at this period was at the Hague, had lost all his influence, and Brune gave him no chance of regaining it.

Thus everything announced a fresh political crisis in Holland; and this would inevitably have occurred, with the help of Brune, if the events then taking place in Paris, which were far from being suspected at the Hague, had not forestalled a third revolution.

CHAPTER IX.

The news of the Revolution of 18th and 19th Brumaire reaches the Hague -The Author, who is summoned to Paris to fill the office of SecretaryGeneral to the Ministry of War, leaves the Hague-The physiognomy of Paris-Narrative of the events of Brumaire-Interview of the Author with Bonaparte-Siéyès' plan for a Constitution is rejectedThe Constitution of year VIII. is adopted-The Author is appointed a member of the Tribunate-The nature of that Institution-A spirit of opposition within it is developed at an inopportune moment-Rapid increase of the authority and power of the First Consul, who adopts monarchical forms more and more decidedly-Rumours of conspiracies serve as a pretext for arbitrary measures-Fouché and Lucien Bonaparte quarrel violently in the presence of the First Consul-The system of fusion of parties carried out with success by the First Consul.

On the 25th Vendémiaire (October 15) we learned that Bonaparte had landed on the 16th of the same month. From what I knew of the proceedings of his brothers the news did not surprise me. I was calculating the chances that this unexpected event might bring about a great change for the nation. Neither news nor letter, however, came from Paris to enlighten us, and the Dutch Directory was, or at least appeared to be, in a similar state of ignorance. Brune only had received a letter from Bonaparte, which he showed

us.

In that letter the General congratulated himself on having again found one of his lieutenants at the head of a victorious army." This expression had greatly incensed Brune; and indeed what more could Cæsar have said? If we had already a Cæsar in our Republic, it was in a bad way. Nothing, however, had yet transpired, and every day I became more astonished at the inexplicable calm. At last, on the 22d Brumaire (November 13), at seven o'clock in the morning, we received a visit from the President of the Dutch Directory. A courier had arrived during the night, bringing him the news of the events of the 18th and 19th Brumaire. But the slight information that the newspapers afforded us, being only up to the date of the 19th Brumaire, the reserve of the President, who was afraid of committing himself, prevented us from forming an opinion as to the nature of these events, and we did not know whether to rejoice or fear. All I could perceive clearly was that Bonaparte was becoming the arbiter of the destiny of France, and that if he rescued her from the anarchy and degra

BERTHIER SUMMONS THE AUTHOR.

149

dation into which the Directory and the Legislative Councils had plunged her, it was to be feared, judging from what I knew of him, that he would make her pay for that service at the price of her liberty.

The President who brought us this news, was, it was easy to see, notwithstanding all his caution, well satisfied with a movement which, by placing Bonaparte at the head of the French Government, saved the Dutch Republic from danger. Brune, on the contrary, whom we saw afterwards, was evidently uneasy; and in the uncertainty as to which party would triumph, he thought it well to be prepared to join one side or the other with his army, and gave immediate orders to stop the march of some demibrigades which, as they were no longer necessary since the embarkation of the English, were about to return to France. But this notion of opposition to Bonaparte did not last long. A revolution which placed political power in the hands of the military suited the Generals too well to be opposed by them ;- -a few days later Brune wisely declared his adherence to Bonaparte, and thenceforth served him honestly.

We passed the 23d Brumaire in great anxiety. At last, in the evening, full particulars arrived, and the first impression I received from them was, I admit, a very painful one. The Legislative Body had been ignominiously dismissed, the Constitution of year III. completely upset, and liberty seriously imperilled. The names of those who had been actors in this Revolution, or who had been privy to it, and whose principles were known to me, were, however, reassuring; I could not believe that such men would lend their aid to one who avowed himself inimical to those principles. I was therefore in the state of restlessness which is always produced by events not thoroughly understood, when I received despatches from General Berthier, who had just been appointed Minister of War, and who sent for me to fill the very place of Secretary-General which the Patriot Bernadotte had refused to give me a few months previously. I soon made up my mind to accept the offer, although as yet I was unable to form an exact idea of what had taken place, or to judge of it with coolness. Brune gave me a letter for Berthier, and said sufficient to let me see that he had relinquished his warlike projects. I saw M. Van Hoff, the President of the Dutch Directory. He had great hopes in the new order of things now in preparation, and flattered himself that he should be rid both of Brune and Deforgues, whom he disliked equally. I also paid a visit to M. Van der Goes, Minister of Foreign Affairs, against whom the French Government was strongly prejudiced, and on whose dismissal it imperatively insisted. Van der Goes complained with great moderation of the un