agitation; that the Imperial Government cannot be held responsible for them; and that, consequently, the Russian Government would not be justified in making the demobilisation of its armies depend on such contingencies.

5. As to the despatch of a special envoy to St. Petersburg charged with treating of the disarmament, the Imperial Government, which would have no reason to refuse an act of courtesy which is imposed by diplomatic etiquette on condition of reciprocity, sees no connection between this act of international courtesy and the disarmament, for delaying which there is no plausible motive, and which could be carried into effect by a simple telegraphic order.

In placing the preceding declarations before the Cabinets of the signatory Powers, the Sublime Porte asks them to take note of them, to appreciate the spirit which has dictated them, and to be so good as to give them the importance to which they are entitled in the present situation-a situation to the dangers of which the Imperial Government cannot too plainly call attention, and for which it formally repudiates the responsibility.

In connection with what has just been set forth above respecting the efforts which the Imperial Government has devoted to the restoration of tranquillity, as well as respecting the causes which have really baffled them, the Cabinets who have signed the Protocol of March 31st can easily comprehend the painful feeling which this document could not fail to produce on the Imperial Government.

It would be useless to recall here the passages of the Protocol relating to the two Principalities and to the question of the disarmament.

But what cannot in truth be sufficiently regretted is the small account which the Powers seem to have taken, both of the great principles of equality and justice which the Imperial Government seeks to introduce into the internal administration, and of its rights of independence and sovereignty.

There is, in fact, cause for surprise that in this Protocol the friendly Powers have thought fit to affirm afresh "the common interest which they take in the reforms to be introduced into Bosnia, Herzegovina, and Bulgaria, which the Porte has accepted, reserving to herself their application;' to invite the Porte to carry into "operation with the shortest possible delay the reforms in the condition of the

provinces with which the Conference was concerned; to express the hope that the Porte will energetically take the measures destined to produce in the condition of the Christian population the effectual improvement which is unanimously demanded, and that once entered on this path it will understand that its honour, as well as its interest, is at stake, in persevering loyally and effectually therein.

The Sublime Porte has not accepted reforms exclusively for Bosnia, Herzegovina, and for localities inhabited by Bulgarians.

It is not a matter of doubt that it is very much to its interest and part of its duty to satisfy the legitimate rights of its Christian subjects: it cannot admit that the improvements which are recommended to its notice should be devoted exclusively to the Christian element. On the morrow of the receipt of the proofs of loyalty and devotion which all His Majesty's subjects have shown, and in presence of reforms which tend to unite all the populations of the Empire into one single body politic, the Sublime Porte owes it to itself to repel the suspicion which the expressions of the Protocol would wish to throw on the sincerity of its sentiments towards its Christian subjects, and to protest, moreover, against the indifference, to say the least, which these same expressions bear witness to, with reference to its Mussulman subjects and others. It is not to be supposed that improvements which tend to insure also to the Mussulmans tranquillity and well-being are devoid of importance in the eyes of Europe, enlightened, tolerant, and just as she is. Measures, or rather institutions, calculated to secure to all, equally, the liberal development, both moral and material, of the rights of each individual, such is the object which Turkey is now aiming at; she will make it a point of honour to persevere in this course; and for this the Constitution is the best and surest guarantee.

But if the Imperial Government sees itself compelled to reject every idea by which attempts might be made to sow germs of antagonism between the different elements of its population, and to inspire certain persons amongst them with mistrust of their legitimate authorities, neither would it see its way on any account to subscribe to the sanction which the Protocol has in view to give to the appli cation of the improvements above set forth.

Thus when the Protocol declares that "the Powers propose to watch with care, and through the medium of their representatives at Constantinople and of their local agents, over the way in which the promises of the Ottoman Government shall be executed," and when it adds that "if this hope should once more prove unfounded they reserve to themselves to consider in common as to the means which they may think best calculated to ensure the welfare of the Christians and the general interests of peace," it is evident that it must provoke the legiti mate protestations of the Imperial Government, and encounter its most formal opposition. Turkey, as an independent State, cannot submit to be placed under any surveillance, whether collective or not.

Although she maintains with other friendly Powers relations which are governed by international law and by treaty, she cannot agree to recognise the foreign agents or representatives, whose duty it is to protect the interests of their respective countries, as holding any mission of official surveillance. The Imperial Government cannot either see in what manner they have so far deviated from the path of justice and civilization as to see themselves placed in a position both humiliating and without example in the world.

The treaty of Paris explicitly declared the principle of non-intervention. That treaty, which binds the other high contracting parties as well as Turkey, cannot be abolished by a Protocol in which Turkey has taken no part.

And if Turkey appeals to the stipu lations of the Treaty of Paris, it is not because that treaty created in her favour any rights which she did not possess without that treaty, but only to recall attention to the grave reasons which twenty years ago led the Powers, in the interest of the general peace of Europe, to place under the guarantee of a joint promise the recognition of the inviolable right of sovereignty of that Empire.

As for the clause which, in case of the non-execution of the promised reforms, would give to the Powers the right of concerting ulterior measures,

the Imperial Government regards it in the light of a further attack on its dignity and on its rights, a proceeding of intimidation calculated to deprive their action of all merit of spontaneity, and a source of grave complication for the present as well as for the future.

No consideration can arrest the Imperial Government in their determination to protest against the Protocol of the 31st of March, and to consider it, as regards Turkey, as devoid of all equity, and consequently of all binding character.

In face of hostile suggestions, unmerited suspicions, and manifest violations of her rights-violations which are at the same time violations of international law--Turkey feels that she struggles at the present moment for her very existence.

Strong in the justice of her cause, and with confidence in God, she declares that she ignores what may have been decided without her and against her; determined to keep the place which Providence has thus destined to her, she will not cease to oppose to those attacks which are directed against her, the general principles of international right, and the authority of a great European compact which binds the honour of the Signatory Powers of the Protocol of the 31st of March, which last has no legal validity in her eyes. She appeals to the conscience of the Cabinets which she is justified in considering as animated towards her with the same sentiment of equity and friendship as in the past. Immediate and simultaneous disarmament will be the only efficacious means of obviating the dangers with which the general peace is menaced.

The answer which the Imperial Government has just made to the declaration of the Ambassador of Russia gives the Powers a fitting opportunity to bring about this result, which surely they would not seek to obtain by persistently imposing on the Ottoman Empire sacrifices of right and of honour to which she will not consent.

You are instructed to read this Memorandum to the Minister for Foreign Affairs and to leave a copy of it with his Excellency.

No. 1.

PRINCE GORTCHAKOW ΤΟ COUNT
SCHOUVALoff. (COMMUNICATED
TO THE EARL OF DERBY BY COUNT
SCHOUVALOFF, APRIL 24.)
(Circular.)

St. Petersburg, April, 1877. M. L'AMBASSADEUR.-The Imperial Cabinet has exhausted, since the commencement of the Eastern crisis, all the means in its power to bring about, with the concurrence of the Great Powers of Europe, a lasting pacification of Turkey.

All the propositions successively made to the Porte in consequence of the understanding established between the Cabinets have met with an invincible resistance on its part.

The Protocol signed in London on the 19th (31st) March of this year was the last expression of the collective will of Europe.

The Imperial Cabinet had suggested it as a supreme effort of conciliation. It had made known, by the declaration bearing the same date and accompanying the Protocol, the conditions which, if loyally accepted and performed by the Ottoman Government, might bring about the re-establishment and consolidation of peace.

The Porte has just answered by a fresh refusal.

This eventuality had not been contemplated by the Protocol of London. While it formulated the views and decisions of Europe, that document had confined itself to stipulating that in case the Great Powers were deceived in their hope of seeing the Porte apply energetically the measures destined to afford to the condition of the Christian populations the improvement unanimously called for as indispensable to the tranquillity of Europe, they reserved to themselves to consider in common as to the means which they might deem best fitted to secure the well-being of those populations and the interests of the general peace.

Thus the Cabinets had foreseen the case of the Porte not fulfilling the promises it might have made, but not that of its rejecting the demands of Europe.

At the same time the declaration made by Lord Derby at the time of signing the Protocol stated that as the Government of Her Britannic Majesty had consented to the signature of that act only in view of the interests of the general peace, it was to be understood beforehand that, in the event of the proposed object not being attained, namely, reciprocal disarmament and peace between Russia and Turkey, the Protocol should be regarded as null and void.

The refusal of the Porte and the reasons on which it is founded, leave no hope of deference on its part to the wishes and counsels of Europe, and no guarantee for the application of the reforms suggested for the improvement of the condition of the Christian populations. They render impossible peace with Montenegro, and the performance of the conditions which might bring about disarmament and pacification. In these circumstances, every chance is closed for efforts of conciliation. There remains no alternative but to allow the state of things to continue which the Powers have declared incompatible with their interests and those of Europe in general, or else to seek to obtain by coercion what the unanimous efforts of the Cabinets have not succeeded in obtaining from the Porte by persuasion.

Our august Master has resolved to undertake this work, which His Majesty had invited the Great Powers to pursue in common with him.

He has given his armies the order to cross the frontiers of Turkey.

You will make known this resolution to the Government to which you are accredited.

In assuming this task, our august Master fulfils a duty imposed upon him by the interests of Russia, whose peaceful development is hindered by the permanent disturbances of the East. His Imperial Majesty has the conviction that he responds at the same time to the sentiments and interests of Europe.

Accept, &c.

(Signed) GORTCHAKOW.

No. 2.
THE EARL OF DERBY TO LORD A.
LOFTUS.

Foreign Office, May 1, 1877.

MY LORD, I forwarded to your Excellency, in my despatch of the 24th ultimo, a copy of Prince Gortchakow's Circular despatch of the 7th ultimo, announcing that the Emperor of Russia had given orders to his armies to cross the frontiers of Turkey.

Her Majesty's Government have received this communication with deep regret. They cannot accept the statements and conclusions with which Prince Gortchakow has accompanied it, as justifying the resolution thus taken.

The Protocol to which Her Majesty's Government, at the instance of that of Russia, recently became parties required from the Sultan no fresh guarantees for the reform of his administration. With a view of enabling Russia the better to abstain from isolated action, it affirmed the interest taken in common by the Powers in the condition of the Christian populations of Turkey. It went on to declare that the Powers would watch carefully the manner in which the promises of the Ottoman Government were carried into effect; and that should their hopes once more be disappointed, they reserved to themselves the right to consider in common the means which they might deem best fitted to secure the well-being of the Christian populations and the interests of the general peace.

To these declarations of the intentions of the Powers the consent of the Porte was not asked or required. The Porte no doubt has thought fit-unfortunately, in the opinion of Her Majesty's Government-to protest against the expressions in question as implying an encroachment on the Sultan's sovereignty and independence. But while so doing, and while declaring that they cannot consider the Protocol as having any binding character on Turkey, the TurkishGovernment have again affirmed their intention of carrying into execution the reforms already promised.

Her Majesty's Government cannot therefore admit, as is contended by Prince Gortchakow, that the answer of the Porte removed all hope of deference on its part to the wishes and advice of Europe, and all security for the application of the suggested reforms. Nor are they of opinion that the terms of the note necessarily precluded the possibility of the conclusion of peace with Montenegro, or of the arrangement of

mutual disarmament. Her Majesty's Government still believe that, with patience and moderation on both sides, these objects might not improbably have been attained.

Prince Gortchakow, however, asserts that all opening is now closed for attempts at conciliation; that the Emperor has resolved to undertake the task of obtaining by coercion that which the uranimous efforts of all the Powers have failed to obtain from the Porte by persuasion; and he expresses His Imperial Majesty's conviction that this step is in accordance with the sentiments and the interests of Europe.

It cannot be expected that Her Majesty's Government should agree in this view. They have not concealed their feeling that the presence of large Russian forces on the frontiers of Turkey, menacing its safety, rendering disarmament impossible, and exciting a feeling of apprehension and fanaticism among the Mussulman population, constituted a material obstacle to internal pacification and reform. They cannot believe that the entrance of those armies on Turkish soil will alleviate the difficulty, or improve the condition of the Christian populations throughout the Sultan's dominions.

But the course on which the Russian Government has entered involves graver and more serious considerations. It is in contravention of the stipulation of the Treaty of Paris of March 30, 1856, by which Russia and the other signatory Powers engaged, each on its own part, to respect the independence and the territorial integrity of the Ottoman Empire. In the Conferences of London of 1871, at the close of which the above stipulation with others was again confirmed, the Russian Plenipotentiary, in common with those of the other Powers, signed a Declaration affirming it to be "an essential principle of the law of nations that no Power can liberate itself from the engagements of a Treaty, nor modify the stipulations thereof, unless with the consent of the Contracting Parties by means of an amicable arrangement."

In taking action against Turkey on his own part, and having recourse to arms without further consultation with his allies, the Emperor of Russia has separated himself from the European concert hitherto maintained, and has, at the same time, departed from the rule to which he himself had solemnly recorded his consent.

It is impossible to foresee the consequences of such an act. Her Majesty's

REAR ADMIRAL A. F. R. DE HORSEY TO THE SECRETARY OF THE ADMIRALTY.

Rebel Ironclad “ Huascar.” "Shah," at Arica, May 22, 1877. SIR, I have the honour to report, for the information of the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty, that having received intelligence that the Pacific Steam Navigation Company's steamers "Santa Rosa" and "John Elder " had been interfered with by the Peruvian rebel ship "Huascar," I caused depositions to be taken. (Enclosures Nos. 1 to 5.)

2. In view of the depositions of the masters and officers of the "Santa Rosa" and "John Elder," and also of a letter from Mr. Graham, Her Majesty's Chargé d'Affaires (Enclosure No. 6), I sent a telegram to Her Majesty's Consuls at Arica and Iquique, as per Enclosure No. 7, and despatched letters to the commander of the "Huascar," and to Mr. Noel West, the manager of the Pacific Steam Navigation Company, as per Enclosures 10 and 11.

3. Further communications, as per Enclosures 12 to 16 inclusive, induced me to leave Callao after dark on the 18th instant to proceed in search of the "Huascar." Before leaving Callao I telegraphed in cipher to "Amethyst," as per Enclosure No. 17.

4. I arrived at this port this morning and purpose proceeding on to Pisaqua and Iquique.

5. The last intelligence of the "Huascar" is that she left Caldera at 6 p.m. on the 18th instant, destination unknown.

I have, &c.

(Signed) A. F. R. DE HORSEY, Rear Admiral and Commander in Chief. The Secretary to the Admiralty.

(Here follow Enclosures.)

No. 2.

REAR ADMIRAL A. F. R. DE HORSEY TO THE SECRETARY OF THE ADMIRALTY.

Operations against Pirate Turret Ship "Huascar."

"Shah," at Sea, lat. 18° 13" S.,

long. 73° 48" W., June 3, 1877.

SIR,-In continuation of my letter, No. 159, of the 22nd ultimo, I have the honour to report, for the information of the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty, the measures I have adopted for the protection of British interests in reference to the piratical Peruvian rebel turret ship "Huascar."

2. Leaving Arica at dark on the evening of 22nd ultimo, I went into Pisaqua the following morning, and having caused the depositions of the chief and second officers of the British barque "Imuncina" to be taken (Enclosure No. 1), and having obtained from the vice-consul at Pisaqua a copy of the protest of the master of that barque (Enclosure No. 2), I proceeded on to Iquique, searching the coast en route.

3. At Pisaqua I learnt from Her Majesty's vice-consul that the "Huascar" had taken possession of the town; endeavoured to obtain 12,000 dollars; but in consequence of the poverty of the town, and their losses by the late tidal wave, had failed to obtain the money.

4. Arriving at Iquique the afternoon of the 23rd, I found the "Amethyst" and the Peruvian squadron. Here I caused the deposition of the master of the "Imuncina" to be taken relative to the forced service of the chief engineer of the "Huascar " on board that vessel (Enclosure No. 3).

5. On the 24th, the "Shah " was employed coaling, and I sent the "Amethyst" to Pisaqua with orders, as per Enclosure No. 4.