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the chief comfort of religion, the happiness of desire more? You allow him all he asks. In Christianity.

Again, how uncomfortable a thought is this, that thousands and millions of men, without any preceding offence or fault of theirs, were unchangeably doomed to everlasting burnings. How peculiarly uncomfortable must it be to those who have put on Christ, to those who, being filled with bowels of mercy, tenderness, and compassion, could even "wish themselves accursed for their brethren's sake."

Fourthly, this uncomfortable doctrine directly tends to destroy our zeal for good works. And this it does, first, as it naturally tends (according to what was observed before) to destroy our love to the greater part of mankind, namely, the evil and unthankful. For whatever lessens our love, must so far lessen our desire to do them good. This it does, secondly, as it cuts off one of the strongest motives to all acts of bodily mercy, such as feeding the hungry, clothing the naked, and the like-viz., the hope of saving their souls from death. For what avails it to relieve their temporal wants, who are just dropping into eternal fire? "Well, but run and snatch them as brands out of the fire." Nay, this you suppose impossible. They were appointed thereunto, you say, from eternity, before they had done either good or evil. You believe it is the will of God they should die. And "who hath resisted His will?" But you say you do not know whether these are elected or not. What then? If you know they are the one or the other-that they are either elected, or not elected-all your labour is void and vain. In either case, your advice, reproof, or exhortation is as neeedless and useless as our preaching. It is needless to them that are elected, for they will infallibly be saved without it. It is useless to them that are not elected, for with or without it they will infallibly be damned; therefore you cannot, consistently with your principles, take any pains about their salvation. Consequently, those principles directly tend to destroy your zeal for good works; for all good works; but particularly for the greatest of all, the saving of souls from death.

But, fifthly, this doctrine not only tends to destroy Christian holiness, happiness, and good works, but hath also a direct and manifest tendency to overthrow the whole Christian revelation. The point which the wisest of the modern unbelievers must industriously labour to prove, is, that the Christian revelation is not necessary. They well know, could they once show this, the conclusion would be too plain to be denied, "if it be not necessary, it is not true." Now, this fundamental point you give up. For supposing that eternal, unchangeable decree, one part of mankind must be saved, though the Christian revelation were not in being, and the other part of mankind must be damned, notwithstanding that revelation. And what would an infidel

making the Gospel thus unnecessary to all sorts of men; you give up the whole Christian cause. "O tell it not in Gath. Publish it not in the streets of Askelon, lest the daughters of the uncircumcised rejoice;" lest the sons of unbelief triumph.

And as this doctrine manifestly and directly tends to overthrow the whole Christian revelation, so it does the same thing, by plain consequence, in making that revelation contradict itself. For it is grounded on such an interpretation of some texts (more or fewer it matters not) as flatly contradicts all the other texts, and indeed the whole scope and tenor of Scripture. For instance, the assertors of this doctrine interpret that text of Scripture, "Jacob have I loved, but Esau have I hated," as implying that God in a literal sense hated Esau, and all the reprobated, from eternity. Now, what can possibly be a more flat contradiction than this, not only to the whole scope and tenor of Scripture, but also to all those particular texts which expressly declare, "God is love?" Again, they infer from that text, "I will have mercy on whom I will have mercy" (Rom. ix. 15), that God is love only to some men, viz., the elect, and that He hath mercy for those only; flatly contrary to which is the whole tenor of Scripture, as is that express declaration in particular, "The Lord is loving unto every man; and His mercy is over all His works" (Psalm cxlv. 9). Again, they infer from that and the like texts, "It is not of him that willeth, nor of him that runneth, but of God that showeth mercy," that He showeth mercy only to those to whom He had respect from all eternity. Nay, but who replieth against God now? You now contradict the whole oracles of God, which declare throughout, "God is no respector of persons" (Acts x. 34): "There is no respect of persons with Him" (Rom. ii. 11). Again, from that text, "The children being not yet born, neither having done any good or evil, that the purpose of God according to election might stand, not of works, but of Him that calleth; it was said unto her," unto Rebecca, "The elder shall serve the younger;" you infer, that our being predestinated, or elect, no way depends on the foreknowledge of God. Flatly contrary to this are all the Scriptures, and those in particular, "Elect according to the foreknowledge of God” (1 Peter i. 2); "Whom He did foreknow, He also did predestinate" (Rom. viii. 29).

And "the same Lord over all is rich" in mercy "to all that call upon Him" (Rom. x. 12). But you say, "No, He is such only to those for whom Christ died. And those are not all, but only a few, whom God hath chosen out of the world; for He died not for all, but only for those who were chosen in Him before the foundation of the world'" (Eph. i. 4). Flatly contrary to your interpretation of these Scriptures, also, is

the whole tenor of the New Testament; as are in particular those texts: "Destroy not him with thy meat, for whom Christ died" (Rom. xiv. 15)-a clear proof that Christ died, not only for those that are saved, but also for them that perish; He is "the Saviour of the world" (John iv. 42); He is "the Lamb of God that taketh away the sins of the world" (i. 29); "He is the propitiation, not for our sins only, but also for the sins of the whole world" (1 John ii. 2) "He," the living God, "is the Saviour of all men" (1 Tim. iv. 10); "He gave Himself a ransom for all" (ii. 6); "He tasted death for every man" (Heb. ii. 9).

If you ask, "Why then are not all men saved?" the whole law and the testimony answer, First, Not because of any decree of God; not because it is His pleasure they should die; for, "As I live, saith the Lord God," "I have no pleasure in the death of him that dieth" (Ezek. xviii. 3, 32). Whatever be the cause of their perishing, it cannot be His will, if the oracles of God are true; for they declare, "He is not willing that any should perish, but that all should come to repentance" (2 Pet. iii. 9); "He willeth that all men should be saved." And they, secondly, declare what is the cause why all men are not saved, namely, that they will not be saved. So our Lord expressly, "Ye will not come unto me that ye may have life" (John v. 40). "The power of the Lord is present to heal" them, but they will not be healed. "They reject the counsel," the merciful counsel of God, "against themselves," as did their stiff-necked forefathers. And therefore are they without excuse; because God would save them, but they will not be saved. This is the condemnation, "How often would I have gathered you together, and ye would not" (Matt. xxiii. 37).

Thus manifestly does this doctrine tend to overthrow the whole Christian revelation, by making it contradict itself; by giving such ai interpretation of some texts, as flatly contradicts all the other texts, and indeed the whole scope and tenor of Scripture-an abundant proof that it is not of God. But neither is this all, for, seventhly, it is a doctrine full of blasphemy, of such blasphemy as I should dread to mention, but that the honour of our gracious God, and the cause of His truth, will not suffer me to be silent. In the cause of God, then, and from a sincere concern for the glory of His great name, I will mention a few of the horrible blasphemies contained in this horrible doctrine. But first, I must warn every one of you that hears, as ye will answer it at the great day, not to charge me (as some have done) with blaspheming, because I mention the blasphemy of others. And the more you are grieved with them that do thus blaspheme, see that ye "confirm your love towards them" the more, and that your heart's desire, and continual prayer to God, be, "Father, forgive them, for they know not what they do!"

This premised, let it be observed that this doctrine represents our blessed Lord "Jesus Christ the righteous, the only begotten Son of the Father, full of grace and truth," as a hypocrite, a deceiver of the people, a man void of common sincerity. For it cannot be denied that He everywhere speaks as if He were willing that all men should be saved; therefore, to say that He was not willing that all men should be saved, is to represent Him as a mere hypocrite and dissembler. It cannot be denied that the gracious words which come out of His mouth are full of invitations to all sinners: to say, then, that He did not intend to save all sinners is to represent Him as a gross deceiver of the people. You cannot deny that He says, "Come unto me, all ye that are weary and heavy laden!" If, then, you say He calls those that cannot come, those whom He can make able to come, but will not, how is it possible to describe greater insincerity? You represent Him as mocking His helpless creatures, by offering what He never intends to give. You describe Him as saying one thing and meaning another; as pretending the love which He had not. Him, in whose mouth was no guile, you make full of deceit, void of common sincerity; then especially, when drawing nigh the city, He wept over it, and said, "O Jerusalem! Jerusalem! thou that killest the prophets and stonest them that are sent unto thee, how often would I have gathered thy children together, and ye would not!" Now, if you say they would, but He would not, you represent Him (which who could bear?) as weeping crocodile tears over the prey which He had doomed to destruction!

Yes,

Such blasphemy this, as one would think, might make the ears of a Christian tingle! But there is yet more behind; for just as it honours the Son, so doth this doctrine honour the Father. It destroys all His attributes at once; it overturns both His justice, mercy, and truth. it represents the most holy God as worse than the devil; as more false, more cruel, and more unjust! More false, because the devil, liar as he is, hath never said he willeth all mankind to be saved; more unjust, because the devil cannot, if he would, be guilty of such injustice as you ascribe to God, when you say that God condemned millions of souls to everlasting fire, prepared for the devil and his angels, for continuing in sin, which, for want of that grace He will not give them, they cannot avoid; and more cruel, because that unhappy spirit seeketh rest and findeth none. So that his own restless misery is a kind of temptation to him to tempt others; but God resteth in His high and holy place, so that to suppose Him, out of His mere motion, of His pure will and pleasure, happy as He is, to doom His creatures, whether they will or not, to endless misery, is to impute such cruelty to Him as we cannot impute to the great enemy of God and men. It is to represent the most high

God (he that hath ears to hear, let him hear!) as more cruel, false, and unjust than the devil. This is the blasphemy clearly contained in the horrible doctrine of predestination. And here I fix my foot. On this I join issue with every asserter of it. You represent God as worse than the devil; more false, more cruel, more unjust. But you say you will prove it by Scripture. Hold! What will you prove by Scripture? that God is worse than the devil? It cannot be. Whatever that Scripture proves, it never proves this; whatever be its true meaning, it cannot mean this. Do you ask what is its true meaning, then? If I say I know not, you have gained nothing; for there are many Scriptures, the true sense whereof neither you nor I shall know till death is swallowed up in victory. But this I know, better it were to say it had no sense at all than it had such a sense as this. It cannot mean, whatever it mean beside, that the God of truth is a liar. Let it mean what it will, it cannot mean that the Judge of all the world is unjust. No Scripture can mean that God is not love, or that His mercy is not over all His works; that is, whatever it prove beside, no Scripture can prove predestination.

rejoice to hear these things were so! How would he cry aloud and spare not. How would he lift up his voice and say, To your tents, O Israel! Flee from the face of this God or ye shall utterly perish. But whither will ye flee? Into heaven? He is there. Down to hell? He is there also. Ye cannot flee from an omnipresent almighty tyrant. And whether ye flee or stay I call heaven, His throne, and earth, His footstool, to witness against you; ye shall perish, shall perish eternally! Sing, O hell, and rejoice ye that are under the earth! for God, even the mighty God, hath spoken and devoted to death thousands of souls, from the rising of the sun unto the going down thereof. Here, O death, is thy sting! Here, O grave, is thy victory! Nations yet unborn, or ever they have done good or evil, are doomed never to see the light of life, but thou shalt gnaw upon them for ever and ever. Let all those morning stars sing together, who fell with Lucifer, son of the morning. Let all the sons of hell shout for joy, for the decree is past, and who shall annul it?

Yes, the decree is past; and so it was before the foundation of the world. But what decree? Even this: "I will set before the sons of men This is the blasphemy for which I abhor the life and death, blessing and cursing;" and "the doctrine of predestination; a doctrine, upon the soul that chooseth life shall live, as the soul that supposition of which, if one could possibly suppose chooseth death shall die." This decree, whereby it for a moment-call it election, reprobation, or whom God "did foreknow, He did predestinate," what you please (for all comes to the same thing) was indeed from everlasting; this, whereby all one might say to our adversary the devil, "Thou who suffer Christ to make them alive, are "elect fool, why dost thou prowl about any longer? according to the foreknowledge of God," now Thy lying in wait for souls is as needless and as standeth fast, even as the moon, and the faithful useless as our preaching. Hearest thou not that witness in heaven; and when heaven and earth God hath taken thy work out of thy hands, and shall pass away, yet this shall not pass away, for that He doth it more effectually? Thou, with it is as unchangeable and eternal as the being of all thy principalities and powers, canst only so God that gave it. This decree yields the strongassault that we may resist thee; but He can est encouragement to abound in all good works, irresistibly destroy both body and soul in hell! and in all holiness, and it is a well-spring of joy, Thou canst only entice; but His unchangeable of happiness also, to our great and endless comdecree, to leave thousands of souls in death, fort. This is worthy of God. It is every way compels them to continue in sin till they drop consistent with the perfection of His nature. It into everlasting burnings. Thou temptest, He gives us the noblest view, both of His justice, forces us to be damned, for we cannot resist His mercy, and truth. To this agrees the whole will. Thou fool! why goest thou about any scope of the Christian revelation, as well as all longer, seeking whom thou mayst devour? the parts thereof. To this Moses and all the Hearest thou not that God is the devouring prophets bear witness, and our blessed Lord and lion, the destroyer of souls, the murderer of all His apostles. Thus Moses, in the name of men? Moloch caused only children to pass his Lord, "I call heaven and earth to record through the fire, and that fire was soon quenched; against you this day, that I have set before you or the corruptible body being consumed, its tor-life and death, blessing and cursing; therefore ments were at an end; but God, thou art told, by His eternal decree, fixed before they had done good or evil, causes not only children of a span long, but the parents also, to pass through the fire of hell; that fire which never shall be quenched; and the body which is cast thereinto, being now incorruptible and immortal, will be ever consuming and never consumed; but the smoke of their torment, because it is God's good pleasure, ascendeth up for ever."

Oh, how would the enemy of God and men

choose life, that thou and thy seed may live." Thus Ezekiel (to cite one prophet for all), "The soul that sinneth, it shall die. The son shall not bear (eternally) the iniquity of the father. The righteousness of the righteous shall be upon him, and the wickedness of the wicked shall be upon him." Thus our blessed Lord, "If any man thirst, let him come to me and drink." Thus His great apostle, St Paul, "God commandeth all men, everywhere, to repent." All men, everywhere; every person, in every place,

without any exception either of place or person. Thus St James, "If any of you lack wisdom, let him ask of God, who giveth to all men liberally, and upbraideth not, and it shall be given him." Thus St Peter, "The Lord is not willing that any should perish, but that all should come to repentance." And thus St John, "If any man sin, we have an Advocate with the Father, and He is the propitiation for our sins; and not for ours only, but for the sins of the whole world." Oh, hear ye this, ye that forget God! Ye cannot charge your death upon Him. "Have I

any pleasure at all that the wicked should die? saith the Lord God. Repent and turn from your transgressions, so iniquity shall not be your ruin. Cast away from you all your transgressions whereby you have transgressed; for why will ye die, O house of Israel? For I have no pleasure in the death of him that dieth, saith the Lord God. Wherefore turn yourselves, and live ye." "As I live, saith the Lord God, I have no pleasure in the death of the wicked. Turn ye, turn ye from your evil ways; for why will ye die, O house of Israel?"

WILLIAM MURRAY,

LORD MANSFIELD.

1705-1793.

*

SPEECH WHEN SURROUNDED BY A MOB IN THE COURT OF THE KING'S BENCH, ON A TRIAL RESPECTING THE OUTLAWRY OF JOHN WILKES. [JOHN WILKES had been prosecuted in 1764 for a libel upon the king and an obscene essay on women. Verdict had been declared against him, and, as he did not appear to receive sentence, he was outlawed. Wilkes returned to England in 1768, applied to the Court of the King's Bench for a reversal of the outlawry, numerous meetings were held in his favour in the metropolis, and on the 8th of June 1768, when the decision was made public, the court was crowded by a highly-excited mob. While Lord Mansfield was engaged in reading his decision, he suddenly stopped, and addressed those present in the speech given below.]

But here let me pause.

It is fit to take some notice of various terrors being out; the numerous crowds which have attended and now attend in and about the hall, out of all reach of hearing what passes in court, and the tumults, which, in other places, have shamefully insulted all order and government. Audacious addresses in print dictate to us, from those they call the people, the judgment to be given now, and afterward upon the conviction. Reasons of policy are urged, from danger in the kingdom by commotions and general confusion.

Give me leave to take the opportunity of this great and respectable audience to let the whole world know all such attempts are vain. Unless we have been able to find an error which bears

• Delivered June 8, 1768.

us out to reverse the outlawry, it must be affirmed. The Constitution does not allow reasons of state to influence our judgments; God forbid it should! We must not regard political consequences, how formidable soever they might be. If rebellion was the certain consequence, we are bound to say, Fiat justitia, ruat cælum ["Be justice done, though heaven in ruins fall."] The Constitution trusts the king with reasons of state and policy. He may stop prosecutions; he may pardon offences; it is his to judge whether the law or the criminal shall yield. We have no election. None of us encouraged or approved the commission of either of the crimes of which the defendant is convicted. None of us had any hand in his being prosecuted. As to myself, I took no part (in another place) in the addresses for that prosecution. We did not advise or assist the defendant to fly from justice; it was his own act, and he must take the consequences. None of us have been consulted, or had anything to do with the present prosecution. It is not in our power to stop it; it was not in our power to bring it on. We cannot pardon. We are to say what we take the law to be. If we do not speak our real opinions, we prevaricate with God and our own consciences.

I pass over many anonymous letters I have received. Those in print are public, and some of them have been brought judicially before the court. Whoever the writers are, they take the wrong way! I will do my duty unawed. What am I to fear? That mendax infamia [lying scandal] from the press, which daily coins false facts and false motives? The lies of calumny carry no terror to me. I trust that the temper of my mind, and the colour and conduct of my life, have given me a suit of armour against

[Lord Mansfield, along with the other judges, declared a reversal, adding, "I beg to be understood that I ground my opinion singly on the authority of the cases adjudged, which, as they are on the favourable side, in a criminal case highly penal, I think ought not to be departed from." This reversal did not free Wilkes from the operations of the verdicts formerly declared against him, and ten days after, Mr Justice Yates pronounced the judgment of the court, sentencing him to be imprisoned for twenty-two months, and to pay a fine of one thousand pounds.]

these arrows. If during this king's reign I have ever supported his government and assisted his measures, I have done it without any other reward than the consciousness of doing what I thought right. If I have ever opposed, I have done it upon the points themselves, without mixing in party or faction, and without any collateral views. I honour the king and respect the people; but many things acquired by the favour of either are, in my account, objects not worthy of ambition. I wish popularity, but it is that popularity which follows, not that which is run after. It is that popularity which, sooner or later, never fails to do justice to the pursuit of noble ends by noble means. I will not do that which my conscience tells me is wrong upon this occasion, to gain the huzzas of thousands, or the daily praise of all the papers which come from the press. I will not avoid doing what I think is right, though it should draw on me the whole artillery of libels-all that falsehood and malice can invent, or the credulity of a deluded populace can swallow. I can say with a great magistrate, upon an occasion and under circumstances not unlike, "Ego hoc animo semper fui, ut invidiam virtute partam, gloriam non invidiam, putarem" ["Such have always been my feelings, that I look upon odium incurred by the practice of virtue not as odium, but as the high-planted in the breast of man so attached to itself, est glory"].

The threats go further than abuse-personal violence is denounced. I do not believe it. It is not the genius of the worst of men of this country, in the worst of times. But I have set my mind at rest. The last end that can happen to any man never comes too soon, if he falls in support of the law and liberty of his country (for liberty is synonymous with law and government). Such a shock, too, might be productive of public good. It might awake the better part of the kingdom out of that lethargy which seems to have benumbed them, and bring the mad part back to their senses, as men intoxicated are sometimes stunned into sobriety.

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ON A BILL TO DEPRIVE PEERS OF
CERTAIN PRIVILEGES.*

MY LORDS,-When I consider the importance of this bill to your Lordships, I am not surprised it has taken so much of your consideration. It is a bill, indeed, of no common magnitude. It is no less than to take away from two-thirds of the legislative body of this great kingdom certain privileges and immunities of which they have been long possessed. Perhaps there is no situation the human mind can be placed in, that is so difficult, and so trying, as where it is made a judge in its own cause. There is something im

so tenacious of privileges once obtained, that in such a situation, either to discuss with impartiality, or decide with justice, has ever been held as the summit of all human virtue. The bill now in question puts your Lordships in this very predicament; and I doubt not but the wisdom of your decision will convince the world, that where self-interest and justice are in opposite scales, the latter will ever preponderate with your Lordships.

Privileges have been granted to legislators in all ages and in all countries. The practice is founded in wisdom; and, indeed, it is peculiarly essential to the Constitution of this country, that the members of both Houses should be free in their persons in cases of civil suits; for there Once for all, let it be understood that no enmay come a time when the safety and welfare deavours of this kind will influence any man who of this whole empire may depend upon their atat present sits here. If they had any effect it tendance in Parliament. God forbid that I would be contrary to their intent; leaning should advise any measure that would in future against their 'impression might give a bias the endanger the state. But the bill before your other way. But I hope and I know that I have Lordships has, I am confident, no such tendency, fortitude enough to resist even that weakness. for it expressly secures the persons of members No libels, no threats, nothing that has happened, of either House in all civil suits. This being the nothing that can happen, will weigh a feather case, I confess, when I see many noble lords, against allowing the defendant, upon this and for whose judgment I have the greatest respect, every other question, not only the whole advan- standing up to oppose a bill which is calculated tage he is entitled to from substantial law and merely to facilitate the recovery of just and legal justice, but every benefit from the most critical debts, I am astonished and amazed. They, I nicety of form which any other defendant could doubt not, oppose the bill upon public princlaim under the like objection. The only effect Iciples. I would not wish to insinuate that prifeel is an anxiety to be able to explain the grounds vate interest has the least weight in their deteron which we proceed, so as to satisfy all mankind mination. "that a flaw of form given way to in this case, could not have been got over in any other."

* Delivered in the House of Lords, May 9, 1770.

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