There is a generation of men in this nation who cry up nothing but righteousness and justice and liberty, and these are diversified into several sects and sorts of men; and though they may be contemptible, in respect they are many, and so not like to make a solid vow to do you mischief, yet they are apt to agree in aliquo tertio. They are known (yea, well enough) to shake hands with-I should be loath to say with Cavaliersbut with all the scum and dirt of this nation, to put you to trouble. And, when I come to speak of the remedies, I shall tell you what are the most apt and proper remedies in these respects. I speak now of the very time when there was an insurrection at Salisbury, your Wagstaffs and Penruddocks openly in arms. ... I doubt whether it be believed there ever was any rising in North Wales at the same time; at Shrewsbury; at Rufford Abbey, where were about five hundred horse; or at Marston Moor; or in Northumberland, and the other places, where all these insurrections were at that very time. . . . There was a party which was very proper to come between the Papists and Cavaliers; and that Levelling party hath some accession lately, which goes under a finer name or notion. I think they would now be called "Commonwealth's-men," who perhaps have right to it little enough. And it is strange that men of fortune and great estates should join with such a people. But if the fact be so, there will need no stretch of wit to make it evident, it being so by demonstration.

I say, this people at that very time, they were pretty numerous; and, do not despise them, at the time when the Cavaliers were risen, this very party had prepared a declaration against all the things that had been transacted by us, and called them I know not what names-"tyranny," "oppression," things "against the liberty of the subject," and cried out for "justice," and "righteousness," and "liberty;" and what was all this business for, but to join the Cavaliers to carry on that design? And these are things, not words. That declaration we got, and the penner of it we got; and we have got intelligence also how the business was laid and contrived, which was hatched in the time of the sitting of that Parliament. I do not accuse anybody, but that was the time of it; an unhappy time. And a plausible petition had been penned, which must come to me, forsooth, "To consider of these things, and to give redress and remedies." And this was so.

Now, indeed, I must tell you plainly, we suspected a great deal of violence then, and we did hunt it out. I will not tell you these are high things; but at that time when the Cavaliers were to rise, a party was to seize upon General Monk in Scotland, and to commit him to Edinburgh Castle, upon this pretence of "liberty;" and when they had seized him, and clapped him by

officers-they had resolved a number at the same time should march away for London, leaving a party behind them, to have their throats cut by the Scots. Though I will not say they would have purposely brought it to this pass, yet it cannot be thought but that a considerable part of the army would have followed them hither at the heels. . . And not only thus, but this same spirit and principle designed some little fiddling things upon some of your officers, to an assassination; and an officer was engaged, who was upon the guard, to seize me in my bed. This was true. And other foolish designs there were, as, to get into a room, to get gunpowder laid in it, and to blow up the room where I lay. And this, we can tell you, is true. These are persons not worthy naming, but the things are true. And such is the state we have stood in, and had to conflict with, since the last Parliament. And upon this account, and in this combination, it is that I say to you, that the ringleaders to all this are none but your old enemies, the Papists and Cavaliers. We have some of them in prison for these things.

Now we would be loath to tell you of notions mere seraphical. These are poor and low conceits. We have had very seraphical notions. We have had endeavours to deal between two interests; one some section of that Commonwealth interest, and another which was a notion of a Fifth-Monarchy interest. Which strange operation I do not recite, nor what condition it is in, as thinking it not worthy our trouble. But de facto it hath been so, that there have been endeavours, as there were endeavours to make a reconciliation between Herod and Pilate that Christ might be put to death, so there have been endeavours of reconciliation between the Fifth-Monarchy men and the Commonwealth men that there might be union in order to an end-no end can be so bad as that of Herod's was-but in order to end in blood and confusion. And, that you may know, to tell you candidly, I profess I do not believe of these two last-of Commonwealth men and Fifth-Monarchy menbut that they have stood at a distance, aloof from Charles Stuart. I think they did not participate. I would be so charitable, I would be, that they did not. But this I will tell you, that as for the others, they did not only set these things on work, but they sent a fellow, a wretched creature, an apostate from religion and all honesty,-they sent him to Madrid to advise with the King of Spain to land forces to invade the nation. Promising satisfaction that they would comply and concur with him to have both men and moneys, undertaking both to engage the fleet to mutiny, and also your army to gain a garrison on the coast; to raise a party, so that if the Spaniard would say where he would land, they would be ready to assist him. This person was sometimes a colonel in the army. He went

with letters to the Archduke Leopoldus and Don John. That was an "ambassador;" and gave promise of much moneys, and hath been soliciting and did obtain moneys, which he sent hither by bills of exchange: and God, by His providence, we being exceeding poor, directed that we lighted on some of them, and some of the moneys. Now if they be payable, let them be called for. If the House shall think fit to order any inspection into these things, they may have it.

We think it our duty to tell you of these things, and we can make them good. Here is your danger; that is it! Here is a poor nation that hath wallowed in its blood, though, thanks be to God, we have had peace these four or five years; yet here is the condition we stand in. And I think I should be false to you if I did not give you this true representation of it.

I am to tell you, by the way, a word to justify a thing which I hear is much spoken of. When we knew all these designs before mentioned, when we found that the Cavaliers would not be quiet. . . No quiet; "there is no peace to the wicked," saith the Scripture (Isaiah Ivii.): "They are like the troubled sea, which cannot rest; whose waters throw up mire and dirt." They cannot rest; they have no peace with God in Jesus Christ to the remission of sins. They do not know what belongs to that; therefore they know not how to be at rest; therefore they can no more cease from their actions than they can cease to live, nor so easily neither. Truly when that insurrection was, and we saw it in all the roots and grounds of it, we did find out a little poor invention, which I hear has been much regretted. I say there was a little thing invented, which was the erecting of your majorgenerals. To have a little inspection upon the people thus divided, thus discontented, thus dissatisfied, split into divers interests, and the workings of the popish party. Workings of the Lord Taffe and others, the most consisting of natural Irish rebels, and all those men you have fought against in Ireland, and have expulsed from thence, as having had a hand in that bloody massacre; of him and of those that were under his power, who were now to have joined in this excellent business of insurrection.

And upon such a rising as that was; truly I think if ever anything were justifiable as to necessity, and honest in every respect, this was. And I could as soon venture my life with it as with anything I ever undertook. We did find-I mean myself and the Council did-that, if there were need to have greater forces to carry on this work, it was a most righteous thing to put the charge upon that party which was the cause of it. And if there be any man that hath a face averse to this, I dare pronounce him to be a man against the interest of England. Upon this account, upon this ground of necessity, when we saw what game they were upon, and knew individual persons, and of the greatest rank, not

a few, engaged in this business (I knew one man that laid down his life for it), and had it by intercepted letters made as clear as the day; we did think it our duty to make that class of persons who, as evidently as anything in the world, were in the combination of the insurrectionists, bear their share of the charge. Bear their share, one with another, for the raising of the forces, which were so necessary to defend us against those designs. And truly if any man be angry at it, I am plain, and shall use an homely expression: "Let him turn the buckle of his girdle behind him." If this were to be done again I would do it.

How the major-generals have behaved themselves in that work! I hope they are men, as to their persons, of known integrity and fidelity; and men who have freely adventured their blood and lives for that good cause, if it still be thought such; and it was well stated this morning, against all the new humours and fancies of men.

And truly England doth yet receive one day more of lengthening out its tranquillity by that same service of theirs.

And

Well, your danger is as you have seen. truly I am sorry it is so great. But I wish it to cause no despondency, as truly I think it will not, for we are Englishmen; that is one good fact. And if God give a nation the property of valour and courage, it is honour and a mercy from Him. And much more than English. Because you all, I hope, are Christian men, who know Jesus Christ, and know that cause which hath been mentioned to you this day.

Having declared to you my sense and knowledge-pardon me if I say so, my knowledge-of the condition of these poor nations, for it hath an influence upon them all; it concerneth them all very palpably. I should be to blame if I did not a little offer to you the remedies. I would comprehend them under two considerations. They are both somewhat general. The one is, the considering all things that may be done, and ought to be done, in order to security—that is one. And truly the other is a common head, a general, nay, a universal consideration. The other is, doing all things that ought to be done in order to reformation, and with that I will close my discourse. All that hath hitherto been hinted at was but to give you a sense of the danger, which truly is most material and significant, for which principally you are called hither to advise of the remedies. I do put them, the remedies, into this twofold method, not but that I think they are scarcely distinct. I do believe, truly, upon serious and deliberate consideration, that a true reformation, as it may, and will through God's acceptance, and by the endeav ours of His poor servants, be-that that, I say, will be pleasing in His sight, and will prove not only what shall avert the present danger, but be a worthy return for all the blessings and mercies which you have received. So, in my conscience,

if I were put to show it, this hour, where the security of these nations will lie-forces, arms, watchings, posts, strength; your being and freedom; be as politic and diligent, and as vigilant as you can be-I would say in my conscience, and as before Almighty God I speak it I think your reformation, if it be honest, and thorough, and just, it will be your best security!

First, however, with regard to security outwardly considered. We will speak a little distinctly to that. You see where your war is. It is with the Spaniard. You have peace with all other nations, or the most of them-Swede, Dane, Dutch. At present, I say, it is well; it is at present so. And so likewise with the Portugal, with France-the Mediterranean Sea. Both these states, both Christian and profane, the Mohammedan-you have peace with them all. Only with Spain you have a difference; you have a war. I pray consider it. Do I come to tell you that I would tie you to this war? No. According as you shall find, your spirits and reasons grounded on what hath been said, so let you and me join in the prosecution of that war, according as we are satisfied, and as the cause shall appear to our consciences in the sight of the Lord. But if you can come to prosecute it, prosecnte it vigorously, or don't do it at all!

Truly I shall speak a very great word-one may ask a very great question : Unde, whence shall the means of it come?" Our nation is overwhelmed in debts! Nevertheless I think it my duty to deal plainly; I shall speak what even nature teacheth us. If we engage in a business-a recoiling man may haply recover of his enemy; but the wisdom of a man surely will be in the keeping of his ground. Therefore that is what I advise you, that we join together to prosecute it vigorously. In the second place, I would advise you to deal effectually, even because there is such a "complication of interests" as some keep objecting. If you believe that there is such a complication of interests, why, then, in the name of God, that excites you the more to do it. Give me leave to tell you, I do not believe that in any war that ever was in former times, nor in any engagements that you have had with other enemies, this nation had more obligation upon it to look to itself-to forbear waste of time, precious time. Needlessly to mind things that are not essential; to be quibbling about words, and comparatively about things of no moment; and in the meantime being in such a case as I suppose you know we are to suffer ourselves to be wanting to a just defence against the common enemies abroad, or not to be thoroughly sensible of the distempers that are at home. . . . I know perhaps there are many considerations which may teach you, which may incline you, to keep your own hands tender from men of one religion with ourselves, and of an interest that is so spread in the

nation. However, if they seek the eradication of the nation; if they be active as you have seen, and as it hath been made manifest so as not to be denied, to the carrying on of their designs; if England must be eradicated by persons complicated with the Spaniard; if this must be brought upon us through distempers and falseness of men among themselves, then the question is no more than this: Whether any consideration whatsoever shall lead us, for fear of eradicating distempers, to suffer all the honest interests of this nation to be eradicated? Therefore, speaking generally of any of their distempers, which are of all sorts-where a member cannot be cured, the rule is plain, Ense rescindendum est immedicabile vulnus. And I think it is of such an advantage that nothing ever could more properly be put in practice, since this or any nation first

was.

As to those lesser distempers of people that pretend religion, yet which, from the whole consideration of religion, would fall under one of the heads of reformation, I had rather put these under this head; and I shall the less speak to it, because you have been so well spoken to already to-day elsewhere. I will tell you the truth. Our practice since the last Parliament hath been, to let all this nation see that whatever pretensions to religion would continue quiet, peaceable, they should enjoy conscience and liberty to themselves, and not to make religion a pretence for arms and blood. Truly we have suffered them, and that cheerfully, so to enjoy their own liberties. Whatsoever is contrary, and not peaceable, let the pretence be never so specious, if it tend to combination, to interests and factions, we shall not care, by the grace of God, whom we meet withal, though never so specious, if they be not quiet. And truly I am against all "liberty of conscience" repugnant to this. If men will profess-be they those under Baptism, be they those of the Independent judgment simply, or of the Presbyterian judgment— in the name of God, encourage them, countenance them, so long as they do plainly continue to be thankful to God, and to make use of the liberty given them to enjoy their own consciences. For, as it was said to-day, undoubtedly "this is the peculiar interest all this while contended for."

Men who believe in Jesus Christ-that is the form that gives being to true religion, namely, to faith in Christ, and walking in a profession answerable to that faith-men who believe the remission of sins through the blood of Christ, and free justification by the blood of Christ, who live upon the grace of God: those men who are certain they are so, they are members of Jesus Christ, and are to Him the apple of His eye. Whoever hath this faith, let his form be what it will, he walking peaceably, without prejudice to others under other forms; it is a debt due to God and Christ; and He will require it, if that Christian may not enjoy his liberty.

If a man of one form will be trampling upon the heels of another form; if an Independent, for example, will despise him who is under Baptism, and will revile him, and reproach and proveke him, I will not suffer it in him. If, on the other side, those of the Anabaptist judgment shall be censuring the godly ministers of the nation who profess under that of Independency; or if those that profess under Presbytery shall be reproaching or speaking evil of them, traducing and censuring of them-as I would not be willing to see the day when England shall be in the power of the Presbytery to impose upon the consciences of others that profess faith in Christ -so I will not endure any reproach to them. But God give us hearts and spirits to keep things equal. Which, truly I must profess to you, hath been my temper. I have had some boxes on the ear, and rebukes, on the one hand and on the other; some censuring me for Presbytery; others as an inletter to all the sects and heresies of the nation. I have borne my reproach; but I have, through God's mercy, not been unhappy in hindering on one religion to impose upon another. And truly I must needs say (I speak it experimentally), I have found it, I have, that those of the Presbyterian judgment I speak it knowingly, as having received from very many counties-I have had petitions, and acknowledgments and professions, from whole counties; as from Cornwall, Devon, Somerset, and other counties. Acknowledgment that they, the Presbyterians there, do but desire they may have liberty and protection in the worshipping of God according to their own judgments; for the purging of their congregations, and the labouring to attain more purity of faith and repentance; and that, in their outward profession, they will not strain themselves beyond their own line. I have had those petitions; I have them to show. And I confess I look at that as the blessedest thing which hath been since the adventuring upon this Government, or which these times produce. And I hope I gave them fair and honest answers. And if it shall be found to be the civil magistrate's real endeavour to keep all professing Christians in this relation to one another, not suffering any to say or do what will justly provoke the others, I think he that would have more liberty than this is not worthy of any.

This, therefore, I think verily, if it may be under consideration for reformation; I say, if it please God to give you and me hearts to keep this straight, it may be a great means in giving countenance to just ministers-in countenancing a just maintenance to them by tithes or otherwise. For my part, I should think I were very treacherous if I took away tithes, till I see the legislative power settle maintenance to ministers another way. But whoever they be that shall contend to destroy tithes, it doth as surely cut their the ministers' throats, as it is a drift to take

There

tithes away before another mode of maintenance, or way of preparation towards such, be had. Truly I think all such practices and proceedings should be discountenanced. I have heard it from as gracious a minister as any is in England; I have had it professed, that it would be a far greater satisfaction to them to have maintenance another way, if the State will provide it. fore I think, for the keeping of the Church and people of God and professors in their several forms in this liberty-I think as it, this of tithes, or some other maintenance, hath been a thing that is the root of visible profession, the upholding of this-I think you will find a blessing in it, if God keep your hearts to keep things in this posture and balance, which is so honest and so necessary.

Truly, there might be some other things offered to you in point of reformation; a reformation of manners, to wit . . But I had forgot one thing which I must remember. It is the Church's work, you know, in some measure; yet give me leave to ask, and I appeal unto your consciences, whether or no there hath not been an honest care taken for the ejecting of scandalous ministers, and for the bringing-in of them that have passed an approbation? I dare say, such an approbation as never passed in England before. And give me leave to say, it hath been with this difference from the old practice that neither Mr Parson nor doctor in the university hath been reckoned stamp enough by those that made these approbations; though, I can say too, they have a great esteem for learning, and look at grace as most useful when it falls unto men with rather than without that addition, and wish, with all their hearts, the flourishing of all those institutions of learning as much as any. I think there hath been a conscience exercised, both by myself and the ministers, towards them that have been approved. may say, such a one as I truly believe was never known in England in regard to this matter. And I do verily believe that God hath for the ministry a very great seed in the youth now in the universities, who, instead of studying books, study their own hearts. I do believe, as God hath made a very great and flourishing seed to that purpose, so this ministry of England-I think, in my very conscience, that God will bless and favour it; and hath blessed it, to the gaining of very many souls. It was never so upon the thriving hand since England was, as at this day. Therefore, I say, in these things, in these arrangements made by us, which tend to the profession of the Gospel and public ministry, I think you will be so far from hindering, that you will further them. And I shall be willing to join with you.

I did hint to you my thoughts about the reformation of manners. And those abuses that are in this nation through disorder, are a thing which should be much in your hearts. It is that which, I am confident, is a description and char