Sidebilder
PDF
ePub

BENEFICIUM, a Latin word, lite- | of their predecessors required confirmarally “a good deed;" also "a favour," "antion; but Titus, by one edict, without act of kindness." This word had seve- solicitation, confirmed all grants of preral technical significations among the vious emperors. The grants made by the Romans. emperors, which were often lands, were entered in a book called the Liber Beneficiorum, which was kept by the chief clerk of benefices, under the care of the Comes Rerum Privatarum of the emperor; or it was kept by a person entitled "A Commentariis Beneficiorum," or clerk of the benefices, as we learn from a curious inscription in Gruter (DLXXVIII. 1). This inscription, which is a monumental inscription, is in memory of M. Ulpius Phædimus, who, among other offices, held that of clerk of benefices to Trajan: the monument was erected in the reign of Hadrian, A.D. 131, by Valens Phædimianus, probably one of the same family, who styles himself wardrobe-keeper (a veste).

When a proconsul, proprætor, or quæstor returned to Rome from his province, he first gave in his accounts to the treasury; after which he might also give in the names of such persons as had served under him in the province, and by their conduct had deserved well of the state. To do this was expressed by the phrase, "in beneficiis ad ærarium deferre,"-"to give into the treasury the names of deserving persons;" and in the case of certain officers and persons, this was to be done within thirty days after the proconsul, &c. had given in his accounts. The object of this practice was apparently to recommend such individuals to public notice and attention, and in many cases it would be a kind of introduction to future honours and emoluments. It does not seem quite certain if | money was given to those thus recommended, in the time of Cicero. (Cicero, Ad Divers. v. 20; Pro Archia, 5.) Beneficium, in another sense, means honour, promotion, or exemption from certain kinds of service, granted by a Roman governor or commander to certain of his soldiers, hence called Beneficiarii. (Cæsar, De Bello Civili, i. 75; iii. 88; Sueton. Tiber. 12.) Numerous inscriptions given in Gruter show how common this practice was in some of them the title is represented by the initial letters B.F. only; Beneficiarius Legati Consularis (li. 4); B.F. Proconsulis (cxxx. 5), &c. Under the emperors, beneficia appear to have signified any kind of favours, privileges, or emoluments granted to a subject by the emperor; and Suetonius observes (Titus, 8) that all the Cæsars, in conformity with a regulation of Tiberius, considered that, on their accession to the supreme power, all the grants (beneficia) |

some

Beneficium, in the civil law, signifies any particular privilege: thus it is said (Dig. i. 4. 3) that the beneficium of the emperor must be interpreted very liberally; and by the Julian law De bonis Cedendis a debtor, whose estate was not sufficient to satisfy the demands of his creditors, was said to receive the benefit (beneficium) of this law so far, that he could not be taken to prison after judgment obtained against him. (Codex, vii. tit. 71, s. 1. 4.)

Beneficium, among the writers of the middle ages, signified any grant of land from the fiscus, that is, the private possessions of the king or sovereign, or any other person, for life; so called, says Ducange, because it was given out of the mere good will (beneficium) and liberality of the granter. But it is evident, from what we have said, that this kind of grant was so called after the fashion of the grants of the Roman emperors. A beneficiary grant in the middle ages appears to have been properly a grant for life, that is, a grant to the individual, and

Where the impropriation or appropriation of the great tithes is shared between owners of different classes, it is included under each class.

There are some few cases of rectories in which the rector has only a portion of the great tithes, the remainder being the property of a spiritual person or body, or of a lay impropriator; and in Jersey and Guernsey the benefices are merely nominal rectories, the incumbent not being entitled in any case to more than a portion (generally one-third) of the great tithes, the Crown or governor taking the residue; and in some cases the whole goes to the Crown or governor.

accordingly corresponds to usufructus, | law, nuns were exempted from temporal and is opposed to proprietas. The name jurisdiction. beneficium, as applied to a feudal grant, was afterwards changed for that of feudum, and, as it is asserted, not before the sixth century; the terms beneficium and feudum are often used indifferently in writings which treat of feuds. [FEUD.] The English term Benefice signifies some church living or preferment. [BENEFICE.] For further remarks on the term beneficium, see Ducange, Glossarium, &c.; and Hotman, Commentarius Verborum Juris, Opera, Lugd. fol. 1599.

BENEFIT OF CLERGY. The privilege or exemption thus called had its origin in the regard which was paid by the various princes of Europe to the early Christian Church, and in the endeavours of the popes to withdraw the clergy altogether from secular jurisdiction. In England, these attempts, being vigorously resisted by our earlier kings after the Conquest, only succeeded partially and in two particular instances, namely, in procuring, 1. the exemption of places consecrated to religious purposes from arrests for crimes, which was the origin of sanctuaries [SANCTUARY]; and 2. the exemption of clergymen in certain cases from criminal punishment by secular judges. From the latter exemption came the benefit of clergy, which arose when a person indicted for certain offences pleaded that he was a clerk, or clergyman, and claimed his privilegium clericale. Upon this plea and claim the ordinary appeared and demanded him; a jury was then summoned to inquire into the truth of the charge, and according to their verdict the accused was delivered to the ordinary either as acquit or convict, to undergo canonical purgation, and then to be discharged or punished according to the result of the purgation. This privilege, however, never extended to high treason nor to offences not capital, and wherein the punishment would not affect the life or limb of the offender (quæ non tangunt vitam et membrum). It is singular that previously to the statute 3 & 4 Will. III., which expressly includes them, this privilege of clergy never extended by the English law to women, although it is clear that, by the canon

In earlier periods of the history of this privilege in England, the benefit of clergy was not allowed unless the prisoner appeared in his clerical habit and tonsure to claim it; but in process of time, as the original object of the privilege was gradually lost sight of, this ceremony was considered unnecessary, and the only proof required of the offender's clergy was his showing to the satisfaction of the court that he could read, a rare accomplishment, except among the clergy, previously to the 15th century. The consequence was, that at length all persons who could read, whether clergymen or lay clerks, as they were called in some antient statutes, were admitted to the benefit of clergy in all prosecutions for offences to which the privilege extended. The mode in which this test of reading was applied is thus described by Sir Thomas Smith, in his Commonwealth of England,' written in 1565. “The bishop," says he, “must send one with authority under his seal to be a judge in that matter at every gaol delivery. If the condemned man demandeth to be admitted to his book, the judge commonly giveth him a Psalter, and turneth to what place he will. The prisoner readeth so well as he can (God knoweth sometime very slenderly), then he (the judge) asketh of the bishop's commissary, Legit ut clericus? The commissary must say legit or non legit, for these be words formal, and our men of law be very precise in their words formal, If he say legit, the judge proceedeth no further to sentence of death; if he say non, the judge forthwith proceedeth to sentence."

The clergy, however, do not appear to have universally admitted that the mere fact of a prisoner's ability to read was to be taken as a conclusive proof of his clerical character. A curious case is recorded in the Year Book, 34 Hen. VI. 49 (1455), which greatly puzzled the judges. A man indicted of felony claimed the benefit of clergy; upon which the archdeacon of Westminster Abbey was sent for, who showed him a book, in which the felon read well and fluently. Upon hearing this, the court ordered him

to be delivered to the archdeacon on behalf of the ordinary, but the archdeacon refused to take him, alleging that the prisoner was not a clerk. This raised a serious difficulty; and the question was one of particular importance to the prisoner, as the judges deliberated whether he must not of necessity be hanged. He was, however, remanded to prison, and the subject was much discussed by the judges for several terms; but, luckily for the culprit, the conscientious archdeacon being removed, his successor heard the prisoner read, and consented to receive him; whereupon he was delivered to the ordinary, the judges saying "that in favorem vitæ et libertatis ecclesiæ, even where a man had once failed to read, and had received sentence of death, they would allow him his benefit of clergy, under the gallows, if he could then read, and was received by the ordinary." Another case is recorded in the 21st year of Edw. IV. (1481), in which a felon read well and audibly in the presence of the whole court; but the ordinary declared "non legit ut clericus for divers considerations." Upon which judgment was given that he should be hanged; "And so," says the reporter, "he was ut audivi." (Year Book, 21 Edw. IV. 21.) But though a felon might claim the benefit of clergy to the last moment of his life, it was an indictable offence to teach him to read for the purpose of saving him. Thus in the 7th Richard II. (1383), the vicar of Round Church in Canterbury was arraigned and tried, "for that by the licence of the jailer there, he had instructed in reading one William Gore, an approver, who at the time of his apprehension was unlearned (ineruditus in lecturâ)." (Dyer's Reports, p. 206.) It may readily be conceived that questions between the temporal courts and the ordinary would arise as the art of reading became more generally diffused; and it was probably on this account that an express provision was made by the legislature in order in some degree to obviate the occurrence of such difficulties. The statute 4 Henry VII. The practice of calling upon a conc. 13 (1488), revived the distinction be-victed person to read in order to prove to tween actual clergymen and such persons the court his title to the benefit of clergy as had accidentally acquired a competent continued until a comparatively late skill in reading, by providing that no per- period. A case is mentioned in Kelynge's

son once admitted to the benefit of clergy should a second time be allowed the same privilege, unless he produced his orders; and to mark those who had once claimed the privilege, the statute enacted that all persons, not in orders, to whom it was so allowed, should be marked upon the "brawn of the left thumb" in the court, before the judge, before such person was delivered to the ordinary. After the offender was thus burned in the hand, he was formally delivered to the ordinary, to be dealt with according to the ecclesiastical canons, and to make purgation by undergoing the farce of a canonical trial. This second trial took place before the bishop or his deputy: there was a jury of twelve persons, who gave their verdict on oath; witnesses were examined on oath; the prisoner answered on oath; and twelve compurgators swore that they believed him. On this occasion, though the prisoner had been convicted at common law by the clearest evidence, or had even confessed his guilt, he was almost invariably acquitted. The whole proceeding before the ordinary is characterised by Chief Justice Hobart, at the beginning of the seventeenth century, "as turning the solemn trial of truth by oath into a ceremonious and formal lie." (Hobart's Reports, p. 291.) To remove this discre ditable abuse of the forms of justice, the statute 18 Eliz. c. 7, enacted that in all cases after an offender had been allowed his clergy, he should not be delivered to the ordinary, but be at once discharged by the court, with a provision that he might be detained in prison for any time not exceeding a year, at the discretion of the judge before whom he was tried.

|

By various statutes passed in the course of the last century, the court before which an offender was tried and admitted to his clergy were empowered to commute the burning in the hand for transportation, imprisonment, or whipping; and subsequently to the passing of these statutes it is believed that no instance has occurred of a convict being burned in the hand.

Reports, p. 51, which occurred in 1666, | benevolences were declared to be illegal; where the bishop's commissary had de- but this statute is so expressed as not ceived the court by reporting, contrary to clearly to forbid the solicitation of volunthe fact, that a prisoner could read; upon tary gifts, and Richard himself afterwards which Chief Justice Kelynge rebuked violated its provisions. Henry VII. exhim severely, telling him "that he had acted benevolences, which were enforced unpreached more that day than he could in a very oppressive way. Archbishop preach up again in many days," and fined Morton, who solicited merchants and him five marks. At length the statute of others to contribute, employed a piece of the 5th of Anne, c. 6, enacted that the logic which obtained the name of "Morbenefit of clergy should be granted to all ton's fork." He told those who lived those who are entitled to it without re- handsomely, that their opulence was quiring them to read; and thus the "idle manifested by their expenditure; and ceremony of reading," as Mr. Justice those who lived economically, that their Foster justly terms it, was finally frugality must have made them rich: so abolished. that no class could evade him. Cardinal Wolsey, among some other daring projects to raise money for Henry VIII., proposed a benevolence, which the citizens of London objected to, alleging the statute of Richard III.; but the answer was, that the act of an usurper could not oblige a lawful sovereign. Elizabeth also "sent out her privy seals," for so the circulars demanding a benevolence were termed; but though individuals were committed to prison for refusing to contribute, she repaid the sums exacted. Lord Coke, in the reign of James I., is said to have at first declared that the king could rot solicit a benevolence, and then to have retracted his opinion, and pronounced upon its legality.

The absurd and perplexing distinctions which the continuance of this antiquated and worn-out clerical privilege had introduced, having become extremely detrimental to the due administration of justice, it was enacted by one the recent statutes for the consolidation and improvement of the criminal law, commonly called Peel's Acts (namely, 7 & 8 Geo. IV. c. 28, § 6, for England, and 9 Geo. IV. c. 54, § 12, for Ireland), that benefit of clergy with respects to persons convicted of felony shall be abolished. Since the passing of this statute, the subject is of no practical importance whatever; but those who may be inclined to pursue it as a matter of historical curiosity may find the following references useful:-Blackstone's Commentaries, vol. iv. chap. 28: Hale's Pleas of the Crown, part ii. c. 45; Barrington's Observations on Ancient Statutes; Hobart's Reports, p. 288.

BENEVOLENCE, a species of forced loan or gratuity, and one of the various arbitrary modes of obtaining supplies of money, which, in violation of Magna Charta, were formerly resorted to by the kings of England. The name implies a free contribution, with or without the condition of repayment; but so early as the reign of Edward IV. the practice had grown into an intolerable grievance. That king's lavish liberality and extravagance induced him to levy benevolences very frequently; and one of the wisest and most popular acts of his successor, Richard III., was to procure the passing of a statute (cap. 2) in the only parliament assembled during his reign, by which

The subject underwent a searching investigation during the reign of Charles I., as connected with the limitation of the king's prerogative. That king had appointed commissioners for the collection of a general loan from every individual, and they had private instructions to require not less than a certain proportion of each man's property in land or goods, and had extraordinary powers given them. The name of loan given to this tax was a fiction which the most ignorant could not but detect. Many of the common people were impressed to serve in the navy for refusing to pay; and a number of the gentry were imprisoned. The detention of five knights, who sued the Court of King's Bench for their writ of Habeas Corpus, gave rise to a most important question respecting the freedom of English subjects from arbitrary arrest, and out of the discussion which then arose, and the

contests respecting the levying of shipmoney, &c., came the distinct assertion and ultimate establishment of the great principle of English liberty. The 13 Car. II. stat. 1, cap. 4, provides for a voluntary present to his majesty, with a proviso, however, that no aids of that nature can be but by authority of parliament. The Bill of Rights, in 1688, repeats what Magna Charta declared in 1215, that levying of money for or to the use of the crown, by pretence of prerogative, without grant of parliament, for longer time or in any other manner than the same is or shall be granted, is illegal.

(Hallam's Constitutional History of England, and Turner's History of England.)

BETROTHMENT. We sometimes hear of parties being betrothed to each other, which means that each has pledged his or her troth or truth to the other, to enter at some convenient time, fixed or undetermined, into the state of matrimony. It now has seldom any other meaning than that the parties have engaged themselves privately, sometimes, though it is presumed very rarely, in the presence of one or more friends, who might, if necessity of doing so arose, bear testimony to such an engagement having been entered into. Even the rustic ceremonies which heretofore were in use, to give some kind of formality to such contracts, seem almost to have fallen into entire disuse. In ancient times, however, there were engagements of this kind of a very formal nature, and they were not thought unworthy the notice of the great legislators of antiquity. In the laws of Moses there are certain provisions respecting the state of the virgin who is betrothed. In the Roman law, the "sponsalia," or betrothment, is defined to be a "promise of a future marriage." Accordingly Sponsa signifies a woman promised in marriage, and Sponsus a man who is engaged to marry. Sponsalia could take place after the parties were seven years of age. There was no fixed time after betrothment at which marriage necessarily followed, but it might for various reasons be deferred for several years. The sponsalia might be made without the two parties being present at the ceremony. (Digest, xxiii. tit. i.)

|

The canonists speak of betrothing and of marrying, describing the former as being sponsalia, or espousals, with the verba de futuro, the latter with the verba de præsenti. In England there is no doubt that formal engagements of this kind were usual down to the time of the Reformation. One class of the documents which have descended in the families who have been careful in the preservation of their ancient evidences, are marriagecontracts, which are generally between parents, and set out with stating that a marriage shall be solemnized between certain parties when they attain to a certain age, or at some distant period, as after six months or a year; and amongst the terms of the contract it is not unusual to find stipulations respecting the apparel of the future bride, and the cost of the entertainment which is to be provided on the occasion. When these contracts were entered into by the parents, there is reason to believe that the younger parties solemnly plighted their troth to each other.

At the present day marriage settlements are generally made when the future husband or wife has property, or when both of them have property. The object of the settlement is to secure provision for the children who may be born of the marriage, and generally to make such disposition of the property of the man and of the woman as may have been agreed on. Such settlements always begin by reciting that a marriage between the parties therein mentioned is intended, which is in effect a contract of marriage.

The late Mr. Francis Douce, who was very learned in all matters relating to the popular customs of our own and other nations, describes the ceremony of betrothment (Illustrations of Shakspeare and of Ancient Manners, vol. i. p. 108), as having consisted in "the interchangement of rings-the kiss-the joining of hands; to which is to be added the testimony of witnesses." In France, where the ceremony is known by the name of fiançailles, the presence of the curé, or of a priest commissioned by him, was essential to the completeness of the contract. In England such contracts were brought under the cognizance of the ecclesiastical law. Complaints are made by a writer

« ForrigeFortsett »