dians to war on the frontier), was regarded with marked disapprobation. The Irish population which prevailed in the country, generally sympathized with the French and felt the most lively interest in the French Revolution, and the highest respect for their agents in this country. The neutral policy which was adopted in relation to France and England was unpopular. Democratic societies were formed in every part of the country, the measures of the Government denounced, and especially the act of laying a duty on distilled spirits. This temper of disaffection was inflamed by the extensive circulation of newspapers, the organs of the French party, and of speeches of members of Congress in the French interest and opposed to the Administration. The ordinary means of counteracting the influence of these mischievous publications were limited. The newspapers which defended the policy of the Government had little circulation in the West, and the friends of the Administration neglected, until it was too late, to disabuse the public mind.

The resistance to the excise law, from its first enactment, had been so decided and general, that the President desiring to remove its most objectionable features, recommended to Congress a modification of the act. This was done. The concession, however, served only to increase the opposition. Every expedient was adopted to avoid the payment of the duties. In order to allay opposition, as far as possible, Gen. John Neville, a man of the most deserved popularity, was appointed collector for Western Pennsylvania. He accepted the appointment from a sense of duty to his country. He was one of the few men of great wealth who put his all at hazard for independence. At his own expense he raised and equipped a company of soldiers, marched them to Boston, and placed them with his son under the command of Gen. Washington. He was brother-in-law to the distinguished Gen. Morgan, and father-in-law to Majors Craig and Kirkpatrick, officers highly respected in the western country. Besides Gen. Neville's claims as a soldier and patriot, he had contributed greatly to relieve the sufferings of the settlers in his vicinity. He divided his last loaf with the needy; and in a season of more than ordinary scarcity, as soon as his

wheat was sufficiently matured to be converted into food, he opened his fields to those who were suffering with hunger. If any man could have executed this odious law, Gen. Neville was that man. He entered upon the duties of his office, and appointed his deputies from among the most popular citizens.

The first attempts, however, to enforce the law were resisted. One or more deputies were tarred and feathered, others were compelled to give up their appointments to avoid like treatment. The opposers of the law, having proceeded to open acts of resistance, now assumed a bolder attitude. An assembly of several hundred men proceeded in the night to Gen. Neville's house, and demanded the surrender of his commission, but, finding him prepared for defence, they attempted no violence. He had not doubted that there was sufficient patriotism in the country to enable the civil authorities to protect him in the discharge of his duty, but in this he was mistaken. The magistrates were powerless. Their authority was set at defiance. Although a large majority of the disaffected never dreamed of carrying their opposition to the measures of Government to open resistance, yet they had aided to create a tempest which they could neither direct nor allay.

The population received a large increase yearly of Irish emigrants, who had been obliged to leave their own country on account of opposition to its government; besides which there was a large floating population who had found employment in guarding the frontiers, and who had nothing to lose by insurrection. Both of these classes joined the insurgent party and even forced them to adopt more extreme measures than they had at first contemplated. They at length proceeded so far as to form an organized resistance to the law. Meetings were held, and officers appointed in the most excited districts. Several hundred men volunteered to take Gen. Neville into immediate custody. His friends in Pittsburgh, being apprised of these movements, advised that measures should be adopted for his protection. But they were greatly mistaken in relation to the amount of force which would be requisite.

Maj. Kirkpatrick, with only a dozen soldiers from the garrison at Pittsburgh, repaired to Gen. Neville's house, which was that very evening (July 15th, 1794) surrounded by about 500 men. The General, yielding to the importunity of his friends, had on the approach of the insurgents withdrawn from his house accompanied by his servant. The assailants demanded that the General and his papers should be given up to them. On being refused a fire was commenced which continued some time until Major McFarland, an influential citizen who was one of the assailants, was shot. Gen. Neville's house was situated on an elevated plane which overlooked the surrounding country. A range of negro houses was on one side, and barns and stables on the other. These were fired by the assailants, and when the flames were about to communicate with the dwelling-house the party. within surrendered. The soldiers were dismissed. The son of Gen. Neville, who came up during the attack, was taken prisoner, but with Maj. Kirkpatrick, was released on condition of leaving the country.

This violent outrage produced a strong sensation. It was in the season of harvest, when the people of the surrounding country were collected in groups to aid each other in cutting their grain. During the day it became known that preparations were making to take Gen. Neville. As he could call to his aid nearly a hundred of his faithful slaves, who had learned the use of arms in the Indian war, it was believed that he would defend himself. Few if any of the immediate neighbors of the General were engaged in the attack, but instead of going to his defence, they collected from a distance of several miles around, and selected the most favorable positions in the neighborhood for listening to, or seeing the anticipated attack.

At about ten o'clock in the evening I witnessed the commencement of the fire, at a distance of two miles, and saw the flames ascend from the burning houses until the actors in the scene became visible in the increasing light. It was a painful sight, especially to those who had experienced the hospitality of the only fine mansion in the country, to see it destroyed by a lawless mob, and its inmates exposed to their

fury. Even those who were opposed to the measures of the Administration, and had countenanced resistance to the execution of the excise law, were overwhelmed at this appalling commencement of open insurrection. Meetings were proposed by the friends of order for the purpose of concerting measures for their own security, but so much time was lost in deliberation, that the insurgents became too strong to be resisted. Men of property and influence who had become compromised in the destruction of Gen. Neville's house, exerted themselves to involve the whole country in open resistance to the laws. Several officers of the Government, and others whose influence was feared, were forced to leave the country. The mail was robbed and the names of the writers of several letters found in it, were added to the list of the proscribed. Those who were thus expelled from their country, dared not take the usual road across the mountains, but were compelled to proceed by a dangerous and circuitous route through the wilderness.

The insurgents seemed resolved that there should be no neutrals in the country. Immediately after the first outbreak they called a general meeting at Braddock's Field to decide upon the measures which should be further taken in relation to the excise. Some 7,000 or 8,000 assembled, and an attorney from Washington named Bradford, assumed the command. He was a blustering demagogue, and destitute of the courage and decision necessary to direct an insurrection. The leaders had no plan digested for future action, nor could this extraordinary assemblage, whose grotesque appearance it would require a Falstaff to describe, tell for what purpose they had come together. A committee was appointed to deliberate. Hugh Henry Breckenridge, a distinguished lawyer of Pittsburgh, who filled a large space in the country, and was known as an opposer of some of the measures of the Administration, and therefore presumed to be in favor of resistance, was appointed on this committee. Possessing great power of persuasion, he succeeded in preventing the committee from recommending energetic measures and urged moderation until the effect of the past resistance should be known. The report of the committee merely

recommended the holding of a meeting by delegates from the several towns in the country at Parkinson's ferry a few weeks ensuing.

On receiving this report much dissatisfaction was manifested. The assembly however dispersed, 2,000 or 3,000 men only marching in a body to Pittsburgh. A portion of these proposed to burn the place, but the kindness of the citizens in supplying them with provisions, and the influence of the more respectable of their associates, induced them to leave the village unharmed. They contented themselves with burning the mansion of Maj. Kirkpatrick in the vicinity. In the meantime, the country was in a state of great alarm. Parties of the most reckless of the insurgents, freed from all restraints of law, paraded the country, and threatened destruction to all tories and aristocrats (epithets applied to all who did not join them). In face of all these dangers, however, many of the towns sent as delegates, friends of law, and supporters of the Administration.

VI.

THE WHISKEY INSURRECTION, CONCLUDED.

The President, desirous to avoid the use of force, had appointed three commissioners to repair to the western country, and offer pardon to all offenders who would return to their duty, and submit to the laws. These commissioners arrived about the time of the meeting of the convention. Some of the delegates to the convention were men of distinguished ability; at their head was Albert Gallatin. Although a foreigner, who could with difficulty make himself understood in English, yet he presented with great force the folly of past resistance, and the ruinous consequences to the country of the continuance of the insurrection. He urged that the Government was bound to vindicate the laws, and that it would surely send an overwhelming force against them, unless the proposed amnesty was accepted. Mr. Gal