permits. Let Congress convene-declare WAR against England-make ourselves and posterity forever secure, by the expulsion of the English from North America; for, we will ever be subject to faction, while there exists a dishonest neighbour on our northern borders, who will attempt to weaken us by sowing divisions among us; seducing citizens from their duty, and officers from their trust.

"Let these grand, but simple plans be executed with an American spirit, now ardent for such adventures. And Oh! what consequences may we not expect? Halcyon days, years, centuries will succeed a temporary war, which can neither be bloody nor expensive; the respectability of our character will then be acknowledged. everywhere, which is now admitted nowhere.

FROM THE AURORA.-" The time is now very short; should the enemy not commit any outrage, before the period of the meeting of Congress, we have even then only four months to wait for the deliberative voice of the nation --should the British Government recal its arbitrary orders of council, and the French Emperor his decrees, the American executive would have power to put an end to the embargo.

But there is too much reason to believe that the British Government will not relax the system which it has adopted; and that, instead of an embargo, Congress will at once cut off all communication and intercourse-or, if the people will, by their representatives, prefer it to an embargo, enter at once into an active and decisive war."

From the Washington Monilor.

"The course of conduct to be pursued by the people of the United States is as lucid as a ray of light. On either hand we are presented with an enemy, if we choose so to consider it. France cares very little for our friendship as it regards herself; but values our enmity as it relates to

Great Britain, whilst the latter estimates our amity as essential to her vital interests, but from the expectation of a revolution among our citizens in her favour rejects the olive branch that we have so often presented to her. Against England, to maintain our unity, our independence, and our character as a free people. The aggrevations of France are wounding to our sense of national honour; those of the British insulting and degrading to every noble passion of our nature; because it presumes upon our want of fortitude and virtuous principles. We are a peaceable nation; we must therefore preserve a pacific posture as long as it is tenable consistent with our interest and rights. We are also a gallant nation we must therefore make war when peace is no longer reasonable or to be tolerated. In any event the Embargo is a wise measure. If we refrain from war, it acts as a girth which binds our most valuable resources to the country. It will also act POSITIVELY upon the enemy, by which, in due time, he must undoubtedly feel the want of our friendly offices. If we make war, the Embargo is one of those middle measures which breaks the dreadful shock in rushing from a state of peace into a state of desperate hostilities.

EXTRACT FROM THE MESSAGE OF THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.

WASHINGTON CITY, NOVEMBER 8, 1808.

The communications made to Congress at their last session, explained the posture in which the close of the discussions relative to the attack by a British ship of war on the frigate "Chesapeake" left a subject on which the nation had manifested so honorable a sensibility. Every view of what had passed authorised a belief that immediate steps would be taken by the British Government for redressing a wrong, which, the more it was investigated,

appeared the more clearly to require what had not been provided for in the special mission. It is found that no steps have been taken for the purpose. On the contrary it will be seen, in the documents laid before you, that the inadmissable preliminary, which obstructed the adjustment, is still adhered to, and moreover that it is now brought into connection with the distinct and irrelative case of the orders in council. The instructions which had been given to our minister at London, with a view to facilitate, if necessary, the reparation claimed by the United States, are included in the documents communicated.

(From English Papers.)

RELATING TO THE EMBARGO.

We have not inserted the preface to the resolves proposed to the Congress of the United States by the committee of foreign relations, because it is, in a great part, a second edition of Mr. Madison's letter to Mr. Erskine. The following extracts are however interesting as they may be considered as expressing the sentiments of the majority of the Congress.

"These [the Berlin decree and British Orders] together "with the Milan decrees of December, 1807, which filled "the measure, would on the principle of self-defence have "justificated immediate hostilities against both nations on "the part of the United States * * * ** *

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Your Committee can perceive no other alternative, but abject and degrading submission; war with both nations; "or in a continuance and enforcement of the present suspension of commerce.-There is no other alternative, "but war with both nations, or a continuance of the pre"sent system. For war with one of the belligerents only

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"would be submission to the edicts and will of the other, "and a repeal in whole or in part of the embargo must necessarily be war or submission. A general repeal "without arming, would be submission to both nations.' "A general repeal and arming of our merchant "vessels, would be war with both, and war of the worst "kind, suffering the enemies to plunder us without retalia"tion upon them.'--' A partial repeal must, from the "situation of Europe, necessarily be actual submission to "one of the aggressors, and war with the other.' The "last position, is the only one in which there can be any doubt. * * * But' the committee says it is a "pro"position which the difficult situation of the United States could alone have suggested, and which will prove more "inadmissible or impracticable as the subject is more thoroughly investigated. The alternative is painful; it " is between a continued suspension of commerce and war "with both England and France." But the choice must ultimately be made between the two, and it is important "that we should be prepared for either the one or the other. * * * **The present unsettled state "of the world, the extraordinary situation in which the United States are placed, and the necessity, if war be re"sorted to, of making it at the same time against both nations, and these the two most powerful of the world, "are the principal causes of hesitation. There would be "none in resorting to that remedy however calamitous, if a selection could be made on any principle of justice, or without a sacrifice of national independence.-On a question of such difficulty, involving the most important "interests of the union, and which has not, perhaps until lately, been sufficiently considered, your committee think "the House alone competent to pronounce a decisive " opinion."

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The latter part of these extracts naturally excites a smile. As to the resolves, proposed by the Committee, if they pass,

we do not believe they will give any offence to Great Britain. Upon the whole, they are rather conciliatory, as far as she is concerned. At present her ships of war are excluded the American ports; every impediment to the introduction of her manufactures, which can be enforced, already exists by means of the Embargo and non-importation act. But with respect to France, the case is quite different; nothing was ever done against her; all was love and friendship; but now, she is all at once, put upon the same footing with Great Britain. These resolves in fact say to England, "you insinuate, that as a prelimiary "to an adjustment of differences, we must repeal our pro"clamation excluding your ships of war from our waters: No; We will not submit. But, our harbours, shall be no "longer asylums to your enemy; and the necessity of keeping your ships on our coasts will be removed." Had such a proceeding been adopted by the American Government, as soon as it was acquainted with the Berlin Decree, England and the United States might have now been friends; for nothing tended so much, to irritate the people of England, as the fact that our enemy's vessels had a free use of the harbours of the United States while our brave sailors were refused common hospitality; and this too, after reparation had been offered for the attack on the "Chesapeake."

ANNALS OF THE TIMES.

AMERICANS PLACING THEMSELVES IN A MORE COMPLETE STATE OF DEFENCE.

According to the present appearances the American Congress seems determined to enforce the Embargo. The bill for that purpose passed the Senate on the 21st ult, and had been twice read and referred for the 24th, in the House of Representatives. But we have seen that a law enacted one day, may be suspended the next. It is probable that the