indiscriminate article from either country, or to lay general duties, ad valorem, on every commodity. The sixteenth proposition, if worded with a view to promote cavil and increaseambiguity, could not be more successful; nor could any words be used more likely to be productive of dispute than the words "effectual preference." And the alteration of the fifth proposition to the twelfth was liable to the same remarks. The idea of countervailing duties, carried an absurdity on the very face of it; for as it was not only necessary to equalize the duty of the internal excise, but to bring it to a fair balance, it would also be necessary to consider all the attendant and incidental expences to which the British manufacturers were unavoidably exposed. There were some taxes in this country which it would be impossible to countervail, as the house, the servant, and commutation tax, &c. The commercial complaint of Ireland he always considered ill founded, though he thought otherwise of their political ones; but whatever ground of complaint they might have, this certainly was not the measure which could in any degree satisfy them. They wanted not this participation; they looked for protecting duties; and were the advantages tenfold, he would not pay the price demanded for them, except he lost sight of that spirit of liberty with which that country was of late years particularly inspired. He was sorry to hear an honourable gentleman insinuate that a rupture might be the consequence of refusing this system to Ireland. He confessed, that though the powers of that country were much inferior to this, if unemployed elsewhere, he could not without horror reflect for a moment on the possibility of such an 'event, and there was scarcely any thing he would not surrender to prevent it. In his own person he entertained the most unbounded national partiality for Ireland; he had the most particular attachments there, and there was an excellency in their character which must always endear people of that Country to such as had these attachments; yet he was so much of an Englishman, that he could not part with those resources and advantages, on which our national existence depended. He then took a view of the general question, and mentioned the circumstance of an union as extremely desirable, but what could scarcely be obtained, and was thrown at a greater distance than ever by the provisions of this arrangement. Adverting to Mr. Wilberforce's remarks on personal confidence, he said, the honourable gentleman having professed himself to be influenced only by his judgment in this day's vote, deserved to be commended, and the more so as he exercised that judgment in opposition to the opinions and instructions of his constituents. But other members of par

liament did not hesitate to express that they were unacquainted with the merits of the question, but were ready to vote for them, reposing in the confidence and attachment they bore to his majesty's minister; and in doing this, they made that sacrifice, which was the last a member of parliament should yield; they not only surrendered their own opinions into the hands of the minister, but at the same time they surrendered the opinions of their constituents. If a member could form no opinion of his own, he ought rather to adopt the opinions of those constituents who sent him into parliament, and whose interests he was engaged to consult, than yield himself to the direction of any individual. In complimenting the minister, it was judicious to adopt invectives against others. His popularity, if he possessed any, had a greater foundation in the conduct of others, than in any action of his own; for no measures of his own had any merit to recommend him to popularity; even his most zealous advocates were obliged to abandon him in one of the principal transactions of the session; but the misconception of the conduct of others was the base on which his merit was erected, it was his "Gay hope by fancy led." There were now petitions before the committee which ought certainly to be attended to before they decided on the question. It had appeared in evidence at the bar, that false and deluding expectations were held out to the manufacturers; and though it was attempted to be controverted in the absence of one of the parties concerned, he was now in London, and ready to corroborate what was stated before. Disapproving so much as he did of the present system, he was determined to give it all the opposition in his power; for which reason he intended to try the force of amendments with which he was prepared, and which, if adopted, would at least qualify the resolutions, and render them less dangerous.

The committee divided on the motion of adjournment: Yeas 90: Noes 195.

May 23.

The House being again in the committee on the Irish propositions, Mr. Pitt moved the fourth resolution: viz. "That it is highly important to the general interest of the British empire, that the laws for regulating trade and navigation, should be the same in Great Britain and Ireland; and therefore, that it is essential towards carrying into effect the present settlement, that all laws which have been made, or shall be made in Great Britain, for securing exclusive privileges to the ships and mariners of Great Britain,

Ireland, and the British colonies and plantations, and for regulating and restraining the trade of the British colonies and plantations, shall be in force in Ireland (by acts to be passed in the parliament of that kingdom) in the same manner as in Great Britain; and that proper measures should from time to time be taken, for effectually carrying the same into execution." Mr. Sheridan asked if the words "by acts to be passed in the parliament of Ireland," had really been moved on Friday morning last; for he did not recollect to have heard them till the moment the chairman had read them. Mr. Taylor replied, that the words alluded to were most certainly part of the motion put into his hand on Friday morning by the chancellor of the exchequer. Mr. Pitt said, that the alteration observed by the honourable gentleman had been made in consequence of a gesture he perceived on that side of the House when the proposition was read. Lord Beauchamp moved by way of amendment to leave out the words from "Ireland" to the words "and that proper measures should be taken," &c. Mr. Sheridan contended, that it was fair to argue, that the proposition was a direct attempt to legislate for Ireland, and not the less so in consequence of the amendment. It was, therefore, he said, insidious in the last degree for Mr. Orde not to have stated it to the Irish parliament, to whom the business had been opened in a very different manner. He declared, that the voting resolutions to bind Ireland down to pass such and such laws, without enabling her to go even into a committee with the bills, was crippling that right of legislation which she had claimed and we had admitted, and leaving her the mere shadow of independence, as a sovereign state, instead of the substance. He therefore contended, that it was probable in the highest degree that the resolution under consideration would cause great alarm, and excite much constitutional jealousy in Ireland.

Mr. Fox began by observing, that when the Irish propositions were first laid before the British House of Commons, the minister declared that the consequence must certainly be, that all the complaints of Ireland would be completely settled, not only upon fair but upon advantageous terms to Great Britain. That although a participation of our commerce would be granted to Ireland, yet, such was the deliberate wisdom with which the propositions had been framed, that although great advantages were promised to Ireland, we, in fact, should be adding very considerably to our own.

He declared, that, as a friend to Ireland, no man had it more at heart than he had to grant every advantage to that country consistently with the safety and welfare of his own: that he was perfectly of opinion, the prosperity of Ireland was the prosperity of Great Britain; and, on the other hand, he was also of opinion, that the prosperity of Great Britain undoubtedly must be the prosperity of Ireland. To promote the welfare of Ireland, and to see that perfect cordiality and

mutual confidence firmly established, which were so essential to the prosperity and happiness of both countries, no man could entertain a sincerer wish, or should exert himself with greater zeal than he was ready to do, in order to accomplish a purpose so necessary for the good of both countries.

He should ever consider it to be his duty, as a member of the British parliament, not only to view the propositions as they might affect the interests of his own country, but also to see in what way they would operate in Ireland; for he considered, that if they should tend to injure the interests of either country, the purpose for which they were intended must be equally and certainly defeated.

That some measures were absolutely necessary to establish content and mutual friendship between Great Britain and Ireland no man could doubt: but how little the propositions that had been laid before parliament were adapted to produce such a happy consequence, every day's examination had more and more confirmed. That this was the fact with regard to the propositions in general, no one could doubt who had given them the least attention; but if there was one proposition more pregnant with objections, and against which both countries had greater reason to complain, it was certainly this fourth proposition now under the consideration of the committee. This very proposition would certainly be found to contain matter so injurious to both countries, that instead of producing any thing like salutary consequences, it must, of itself, prove the cause of endless jealousies, ill blood, and ani

mosities between the two countries.

Mr. Fox then adverted to the insidious conduct of ministry, and to what had fallen from his honourable friend behind him (Mr. Sheridan) respecting this very proposition not having been laid before the Irish parliament with the rest. Mr. Fox was certainly of opinion, that no power of language could do away the charge of insidiousness made by his honourable friend, when the direct attack against the legislative independence of Ireland came to be justly viewed. He called to the recollection of the committee, that when the original propositions were laid before the House, the right honourable the chancellor of the exchequer peremptorily declared that they must pass then-that they could not be altered- but that such as they were they must stand or fall together. When the minister made this declaration, it must also be fresh in the memory of every gentleman present, with what indecent hurry it had been attempted to carry those propositions through the House; as well as with what extreme difficulty he had been able to prevent the minister from succeeding in that attempt. Had the minister been successful in carrying the ori

ginal propositions, it was now very well known that some of the essential interests of this country must have been sacrificed; among which the East India company's charter certainly could not be ranked as the least. These facts plainly proved, how necessary it was to take sufficient time, to weigh well the different effects the propositions were likely to produce several alterations, called amendments, had already been adopted, which at first appeared to lessen the evils the proposition contained; but they certainly were not adequate to remove those solid objections that still remained against them in general, and this fourth proposition in particular; and without removing which, the worst and most unhappy consequences must necessarily follow.

Mr. Fox declared, that aware, as he undoubtedly was, of the imbecility of the councils by which the Irish propositions had been framed, and doubtful, as he must certainly be, of the wisdom or even fairness of any negotiation carried on by the present ministry, he owned, however, that his apprehensions had been principally roused by that hurry with which the minister attempted to drive the original propositions through the House of Commons, and the difficulty with which he had been able to get the opportunity that had been acquired to consider them with some attention. Added to this, he could not forget, how every species of obstruction had been adopted, to prevent information from the different manufacturers from being brought to the bar of the House; from whom information of the most valuable kind ought to have been looked for in the present business. Nor could he forget the duplicity with which some of these men had been treated by ministry: it was the characteristic of men who meant to deal fairly, to admit every information; while men of a different description did every thing in their power to prevent it. That this had been the conduct of the present ministry was sufficiently established by every part of their conduct relative to this negotiation: and yet, such was the confused texture of this business, that what with the ignorance, duplicity, and hurry, which had appeared, it was difficult to say which were most conspicuous; but taken altogether, it was highly necessary to watch, with the keenest attention, the conduct of the ministry.

By the original propositions that ministry had attempted to hasten through the House of Commons, it was now very well known that they would have given up the power of the British parliament to renew the East India company's charter. To what motive were we to impute this circumstance in the propositions? Was it to be looked upon as an effect of the minister's ignorance? Or, was it a concealed and secret sacri