to repel the audacious attack which the American government had ventured to make upon us. Nothing of this kind, however, had been done, and America had been suffered to commence, and, for a time, to carry on hostilities, even unthreatened with danger to herself. That attack would yet, he trusted, be completely avenged; that the most extensive exertions would be made to convince the American government of its folly and desperation, and he had no doubt that the best hope of peace with that government would rest upon the manly and vigorous employment of our resources to make it feel sensibly the consequences of war. The only remaining topic in the Speech to which he had to refer, was that with respect to India, in which he felt a peculiar interest. And here he would repeat the wish which he took occasion to express last session, that the affairs of our Indian empire should be fully investigated by their lordships before any system for its future government was finally determined upon. He meant that the whole question should be brought before their lordships, not in the shape of a bill for legislation, as it was proposed last session, but in a distinct and separate form for deliberate inquiry, in order that it might be examined in all its details. He was happy to learn that his noble friend at the head of the Board of Controul, was diligently employed in considering this subject, and he trusted that the result of his intelligent deliberation would be the suggestion of a course of measures, creditable to himself, honourable to this nation, advantageous to the interests of the whole empire, but above all, calculated to promote the interest and happiness of the great mass of population subject to our dominion in India. He again expressed his hope that the concerns of India would be fully discussed before an attempt was made to pass any law upon the subject. Having thus observed at considerable length upon all the topics embraced in the Speech, he would now proceed very briefly to mention an omission of great importance to the country, and which he regretted exceedingly; he meant, the Catholic Question. Before he concluded, he felt particularly called upon to advert to this omission, which he could not help noticing with surprize and sorrow. He was certainly surprised and sorry to perceive, that after all that had passed upon this subject-after all that had occurred in discussion, and been excited in hope, no disposition whatever was expressed to conciliate the Catholics, or to adjust their claims. It was in the recollection of their lordships what had taken place at the close of the last session, both in that and the other House of Parliament. That in the latter, indeed, a distinct pledge had been entered into, fully to consider the Catholic Question, with a view to an ultimate and satisfactory arrangement. Was it now resolved to relinquish this pledge, to set aside all that had been done? There were too many grounds of suspicion upon this subject. Recollecting the expression of the noble earl opposite, and now at the head of his Majesty's government, (Liverpool), at the close of the last session, that he would oppose no barrier to the fair discussion of the Catholic claims, he could not doubt his candour, but yet he had heard of several proceedings, both in this country and in Ireland, where, to use an old phrase of lord Camden, the hand and fingers of government were very visible." Indeed, so anxious was government considered in its hostility to the cause of the Catholics, that one cause of the dissolution of parliament was said to be in order to get rid of the pledge of the other House upon the subject; and if the rumours afloat were founded, that statement would appear not improbable. For according to this rumour it was the intention of ministers, after the Houses had sat for a few days, to adjust some matters immediately necessary to their own objects, to propose an adjournment for two months. If so, the practical effect of such an adjournment would be to evade the pledge for taking the Catholic Question into early consideration, which, combined with the omission in the Speech, was a bad omen for the Catholics. did not mean at present to discuss the proposed conduct of ministers, or to cast any blame upon them, but merely to ask, and he should be glad to know precisely their intention, what was the state of the question, namely, whether all that had passed was to be regarded as gone et nil, and that the question was to be returned to again as a res integer?—There were some words, he observed, at the conclusion of the Speech not, he presumed as a matter of course, in praise of the constitution. Indeed there was a report that ministers had it in contemplation to propose an extension of the duration of parliament upon the demise of the crown; but this praise He ment. He vindicated the conduct of ministers, who were ready to submit the whole of their proceedings and policy to the strictest scrutiny, whether referring to the civil or military government of the country-whether referring to disaster or to triumph-whether furnishing matter for congratulation, or events to deplore. With respect to the conduct of the war, he had read enough of the history of wars to enable him to pronounce, that those who therein looked for unmixed success and exemption from every species of reverse or exemption from misfortune, built, indeed, upon an unstable foundation, and rested on hopes which must turn out to be chimerical. But he trusted that where misfortune occurred, the mind of parliament and the public was too considerate and just, not to distinguish between that of the constitution, combined with the opinion he entertained of the principles of his noble friend at the head of the administration, destroyed all belief in the rumour. He could not suppose it possible that his noble friend would for one moment entertain an opinion so fraught with alarm, and so incapable of excuse upon any pretence of utility or convenience. No, he was sure his noble friend had too much reverence for the ancient monarchical parliamentary constitution of the country, to meditate such an innovation as might lead to the most perilous consequences to consequences, indeed, which, from the recently disturbed state of the public mind, he could not, he must confess, contemplate without dismay.-But to return to the panegyric which the Speech contained upon the constitution, they might hope that it did not imply any hos-which was attributable to the contingentile reference to the Catholic cause. The cies of war and which resulted from innoble marquis finally recapitulated the se- evitable circumstances, and that for which veral heads of his argument with regard ministers or their agents might be deemed to the war in Spain, the Swedish diversion, fairly responsible. The war in the peninthe co-operation with Russia, the rupture sula, he repeated the opinion which he with America, the calm and deliberate expressed at the outset-the war in Spain discussion necessary previous to the deci- he regarded as a new era in the history of sion of the East India question, and the modern wars, because in that case the peoadjustment of the Catholic claims, and ple were most active in repelling their inconcluded with expressing his opinion, vaders. Unlike the people of Germany that increased exertion must be made to and Italy, who were passive spectators of strengthen our army in the peninsula, or the conflict produced by French invasion, it would be cruel towards ourselves, and the Spaniards were most forward to contend our allies to continue the contest-to per- for the independence and old establishsevere in an useless effusion of blood and ments of their country, therefore their expenditure of money. For without ad- cause held out an encouraging prospect ditional strength, he was persuaded that and a good example, which the people of the object of the war could not be attain-Russia were now so nobly emulating. It ed, and that the continuance of the struggle, instead of being advantageous to this country, to Spain, or to the continent, would have a directly different operation. Having expressed these opinions, it was not his intention to propose any amendment; but he trusted that such attention would be paid to the suggestions he had thrown out as their validity might demand from his Majesty's ministers, whose system if longer pursued it would be impossible to endure. The Earl of Liverpool rose in reply to the statements and reasoning of the noble marquis, from whom he differed in some as he agreed with him in other of the opinions he had just expressed. In none did he more cordially concur than in that which went to the situa tion of the country, which ought to be fairly, plainly, and clearly before parlia was this exhibition of a high national spirit which originally induced him to become an advocate for those measures of assistance which the Spaniards had received from this country. Indeed if this country had not afforded that aid, it would, in his judgment, have betrayed an indifference, not only to every high sentiment of liberty, but every, even the most common notions of policy. But while his object was to assist Spain, to afford to the Spanish people and to Europe the means of profiting by the circumstances which appeared so promising, he was certainly not so sanguine as many others who concurred with him as to the policy of grant ing the assistance. Whatever the result might be he thought it the duty of England to make an attempt in favour of Spain. The real question therefore was, whether the exertions of Britain were commensurate with her means and resources, as well as with the importance of the object the attainment of which was in view. This was the true question. With regard then to the quantum or amount in the aid to be afforded, and also whether the aid were equal to the end, he could say, as to the first, that the utmost had been done for Spain which, consistently with a due attention to other objects, it was possible for government to accomplish. It was for those who maintained the contrary to shew how and where more might have been done, and he was astonished at the different manner in which the noble marquis had treated the subject. He had examined it with the eye of a statesman; for the exertions of a country must depend on the means which that country possessed. It might be said that in all contests great exertions had been made; but instead of this general assertion, he wished the noble marquis had shewn or would shew him how in the present instance greater efforts could have been made than had actually been made by the British government. As to the equality of our means to the end in view, our gallant commander in the peninsula had never been deceived by government with respect to the means in its power to afford, nor had any aid that officer required ever been refused. It would, indeed, have been an injustice to him, to our ally and to the country, to have deceived him on such points. Then considering the subject in all its bearings, how could any blame be imputable to ministers? He admitted, that at the period when the French army were so engaged with Russia, the opportunity might be more favourable for a distinguished effort in the peninsula; but considering the uncertainty of war, and the responsibility of government for the perpetual protection and safety of the empire, he would ask, whether it would be consistent with its duty, for one extraordinary effort, to throw away the means of future exertion; that knowing the most brilliant campaign has often no decisive influence upon the fate of war, whether a wise government should cast all on one die-should hazard the main power, the heart's blood of a country, merely to make a flourish to risk perpetual strength for the peculiar triumph of one year ? A government intrusted with the management of the resources of a great empire were bound to recollect that their cases were not momentary but everlasting; not partial but entire; and that they had to provide for the future as well as the present, and look to the safety of the whole, not to the display of some brilliant exploit upon a part. The country ought to know what exertions had actually been made, and it would be convinced of their sufficiency. But when the assertion was made that more ought to have been done for the peninsula; to refute this argument he would beg the House to consider and compare, and, for the purpose of comparison, to look to the proudest periods of our history-to the periods of king William and queen Anne, when the great duke of Marlborough wielded the energies of the nation with so much glory and success. Let all the relative circumstances be fairly taken into view, (the increase of population being admitted) and he would challenge the comparison. Our means had augmented in a surprising ratio; and within two or three years the increased strength of the military force of the country was prodigious beyond conception. For what was the actual state of our force in that quarter, which the noble marquis had said was so inadequately supplied?, Why, that we had, on the 25th of June last, in the peninsula and the Mediterranean, an army of no less than 127,000 men in our pay; that was 91,000 British, including foreign or German troops, with 36,000 Portuguese. Such was our force, independently of Spanish auxiliaries, which received from us all the assistance in our power, in formation, equipment, and pecuniary supply. Nay, the British army alone, under the command of lord Wellington, at the period alluded to, amounted to 58,000. Now, he would appeal to their lordships whether the exertion which had collected such an army deserved to be characterised in such terms as the House had heard from the noble marquis; but more he would ask, whether three years ago any man in England could have been so sanguine as to imagine the collection of such an army practicable? Yet such had been the exertions of that government, which had also to provide for the protection of India, of our numerous colonies in the west, and for our home-defence. Then, as to our supplies since that period, which the noble marquis professed to think that ministers had left almost wholly unprepared; the fact was, that from the 25th of December last to the present, no less than 20,000 men, with 7,000 horses, had been sent to that quarter. As to deficiency of equipment among our army, Buonaparte, who did not hesitate to take by force the means of equipping his soldiery, wherever he found them, had often felt such deficiency, while with us, who paid liberally for all articles, there was rarely any such complaints But that our soldiers should be quite secure from privations, that they should at all times be completely equipped, it would be too much to expect in the ordinary vicissitudes of war. Where, however, such privations occurred-where they were reported by our illustrious com mander, his requisitions were immediately attended to-indeed they were always complied with. This could and would, no doubt, be confirmed promptly by that distinguished commander himself, for it was a striking feature in his character, that he was as just to these who served him, as he was bold to those who opposed him-and it was another striking feature in his character, that he was never extravagant in his expectations or demands indeed he was never likely to make such demands, because ministers took care that he should be always accurately informed as to the means of supply. That some inconvenience might have been felt from the state of the military chest, he was not prepared to deny; as the supply of specie at present must depend upon so great a variety of circumstances, out of the power of any ministers to controul; upon the means of obtaining money for bills upon the continent, and other causes, particularly the state of the Spanish colonies in America, which naturally interfered with the importation of bullion. But here again no blame could attach to government, for nothing practicable was left undone by them. There was, however, a limit to their means, as there was a limit to the means of any nation; by that limit alone government was confined in the struggles to assist these operations which the noble marquis called upon them to extend. But whether they could so extend them, he would be ready, at any time, to discuss with the noble marquis, with whom the onus would lie to shew where the resources for such extended operation could be found.-As to the Sicilian expedition, he had to state that it was prepared to sail early in March, and conducted throughout in concert with lord Wellington, who communicated regularly with the commander of that force. The appearance of this expedition off Cata lonia, was, he was assured, of great utility, as it prevented Suchet from sending reinforcements to Joseph Buonaparté, who in consequence evacuated Madrid, and the arrival of this expedition at Valencia, instead of being a mistake, as asserted, was the result of plan and orders. That the late campaign had eminently succeeded, he was also prepared to prove. For what was the plan of the campaign-why, the capture of Ciudad Rodrigo and Badajozthe expulsion of the French from the south of Spain, and the raising of the siege of Cadiz, and all these objects had been attained; and would not that man have been deemed very sanguine, who at the outset would have predicted the attainment of such important objects, particularly the liberation of the Spanish government, by the raising of the siege of Cadiz? In stating that the objects of the campaign had been accomplished he would not deny, that many of the hopes excited by the victory of Salamanca, had been disappointed. But that disappointment was not attributable to any want of energy on the part of his Majesty's government; nor was the conduct or scarcity of artillery at Burgos, so much dwelt upon by the noble marquis, any imputation upon government: for the fact was, there were three battering trains on the continent; and, besides these, one was sent last March to Lisbon, to be kept afloat, subject to the order of lord Welling According to the opinion, however, of the noble lord himself, Burgos must have been taken, if at all, without delay, and before any artillery could be brought to him. But the failure of our gallant commander's calculation, and the consequent re-capture of Madrid, was owing to the refusal of Ballas eros to obey his commands; which refusal facilitated the movements of the French force, and disconcerted lord Wellington's plan of operations.-Upon the subject of Sweden he could not, from considerations of state delicacy, say much in reply to the noble marquis, but thus much he could state, that the most perfect confidence prevailed between the governments of Russia, Sweden, and this country, and that nothing dissatisfactory had taken place in the transaction alluded to by the noble marquis. As to the story about the transports, he could only assure the House that he never heard of such a matter before this evening, and the affair was altogether new to him.-Adverting to America, he begged Lord Grenville rose in reply to the noble earl, and declared he would not shrink from the opinion he had originally ex He complimented his noble friend (marquis Wellesley) on the admirable manner in which he had developed his sentiments on the general state of affairs, and particularly on the foreign policy pursued by the ministers of the crown, and characterised the answer, which the noble earl had made to the speech of his noble friend, as feeble, inconclusive and foolish. His noble friend's views were justified both by the Speech from the throne, and still more fully by the noble earl's reply. His lordship then proceeded to state, that he did not deny, or disavow, some words attributed to him by the noble earl. These words he had used on former occasions: but, so far was he from believing them wrong, that he thought he was, this night, fully justified in the use of them, by what had been spoken on both sides of the House. He could not but condemn the the noble marquis, before he again affirmed the insignificance of a repeal of the Orders in Council, in the estimation of the American government, to recollect the dis-pressed on the subject of the war in Spain. patches of the government, and his own dispatches when in office also, which he seemed to forget, and which clearly demonstrated that these very Orders in Council were the great stumbling block in the way of an amicable arrangement tween the countries. He begged of him to recollect that not only the act of the government but also the acts of congress expressly declared the repeal of the retaliatory measure, the Non-importation act, depended upon the rescinding of these Orders. As soon as that very measure should be adopted, which the noble marquis now insists the Americans regarded as insignificant, the American government proclaimed that their counter policy should cease to be enforced. When, however, the noble marquis asserted that we were unprepared for the American war, he would ask him to point out where and how we were unprepared? Were we unprepar-replies in general terms resorted to by the ed in Canada, or was there any neglect at the Admiralty? He was prepared to discuss this question with the noble marquis; and upon this subject, as well as with respect to Spain, he would beg the noble marquis to come to close quarters-to state facts to bring something specific, and abandon that style of loose and general accusation, of which the House had heard so much in the course of this discussion." Now, as to the concluding topic of the noble mar-mendation. That one ultimate object, qui 's speech, I have not," said the noble earl," made use of any expression with respect to the Catholic question, to which I do not adhere. My opinion I have always publicly proclaimed upon this subject. I have resisted, and I will resist, the proposition for entering into the consideration of the Catholic claims, because I cannot see my way to any adjustment of those claims, likely to satisfy the Catholics. I therefore think it more consistent to oppose the proposition at once, than to seek to defeat it by what are called guards or securities. I meet the Catholics openly and publicly, and will never attempt to disappoint wishes by any little underhand opposition-by any schemes or subterfuge. My system of opposition 1 feel to be more fair and candid, and therefore I will continue to pursue it. In stating this to be my intention, I declare merely my individual opinion, without meaning to sway the judgment of any of my friends. noble earl at the head of the administration, a species of discussion in which he was so fond of dealing upon most occasions; whilst the speech of the noble marquis, in which he pointed out the definitive object we ought to have in view in the campaign in the peninsula, whilst it abounded, like every thing that fell from his noble friend, in statesmanlike principles and details, met with his highest com. stated by his noble friend, deserved, and had his approbation. Whilst the noble earl's comment on the subject of that definitive object, was general, imperfect and desultory. When we engaged first in the peninsular war, the question was not then what it was at present. It was not then, as at present, a question in which all Europe was concerned and engaged; for now all the armies of Europe were or had been lately engaged against this country. Before ministers embarked in the contest, therefore, as had been justly stated by the noble marquis, they ought to have asked themselves what was the definite object they had in view, and what were their means of attaining it. Only one object was professed, and that was the total exclusion of the French from the peninsula, and without being a priori assured of adequate means to effect that purpose, it was cruel and base to embark the population of a country in so hopeless a cause, merely |