It was to their almoft perpetual wars with their neighbours, to the institution of the laws by Lycurgus, and to the eftablishment of the Olympic games, that we are to attribute their progrefs in this murderous art. The count paffes in review the diferent people of this country, gives a rapid account of their respective excellencies, and gradually unfolds, the principles of their tactics; particularly thofe which were practifed by the Spartans, Macedonians, and Athenians. This military hiftory is traced in a few words, which we cite, in order to give our readers a better idea of the count's manner of Lelineating. La jaloufie du commandement allu la guerre du Peloponnefe, qui arma tous les Grecs les uns contre les autres, et Cont l'histoire eft moins intéreflante par la grandeur des événemens, que par la quantité de faits inftructifs qu'elle nous préfente. On voit dans les deux partis des chefs habiles épuifer tour-à-tour à la tête de leurs petites armées les refources de l'art profond, et nous étonner par la Lardieffe de leurs manoeuvres. Alors la tantique des Grecs devint plus favante de pour en jour. On la vit s'avancer vers fa perfection par les lumieres d'Epaminondas, y arriver fous Philippe, s'y maintenir fous Alexandre, décheoir infenfiblement par la négligence et l'avarice de fes fucrelleurs, aint que par les divifions intef ties des Grecs, qui, dégénérant de leurs aeres, et plus occupés à fe nuire les aux autres, que du foin de leur liberté, ferent enfin n'avoir háté la chûte de Puffe, dernier roi de Macédoine, que per fubur plutôt le joug des Romains. " As the Afiatic princes trufted the illue of battles rather to the number of their Chiots, their cavalry, and their elephants, thea to the art of war, it is no wonder that they were so often routed by a handfal of difciplined troops, conduffed by an ble general. For this reafon we h1 pals on to that rival nation of the Rous, the Carthagetians. The military power of this people, fays the count, confilled in allies, and thofe who were tributary, from whom they raifed their militia, and drew immenfe fums of money. Their foldiers were partly citizens, and partly mercenaries purchafed in the neighbouring flates, without being obliged to train Numidia furnished them with their light cavalry, famous for their enterprize, impetuofity, and daring courage; their iflands produced the moll killful flingers in the univerfe; Spain fent them an infantry that was deemed invinEUROP. MAG. them to arms. cible; Gaul affifted them with troops of known valour; and in Greece they found men acquainted with all the ftratagems of war. Thus, without exhaufting their own fubjects, they could raife a powerful army, felected from the first troops in the whole world. Count de Saint-Cyr has given us the following defcription of their celebrated capital. Cette ville étoit clofe d'une triple muraille, haute de trente coudées, fans les parapets et les tours qui la flanquoient tout à l'entour à égale diftance, éloignées l'une de l'autre de quatre-vingts toiles. Chaque tour avoit quatre étages, les murailles n'en avoient que deux. Elles étoient voûtées, & dans le bas il y avoit des eftables pour mettre trois cens éléphans, avec les choses néceffaires pour leur fubfiflance, et des écuries au-deffus pour quatre mille chevaux, et les greniers pour leur nourriture. Il s'y trouvoit auffi de quoi y loger vingt mille fantaffins, et quatre mille cavaliers. "Les Carthaginois avoient les mêmes armes et la même maniere de combattre que les autres peuples de la Grece, beaucoup de chars & d'éléphaus; mais le mauvais fyftême qu'ils avoient de ne compofer leurs armées que d'étrangers, leur fut préjudiciable, & contribua beaucoup à la deftruction de cette fameufe et puissante republique." The military hiftory of the Romans is written with enthufiafm, and a warmth of colouring that animates and feduces the judgment of the reader. After having developed the caufes which contributed to the grandeur of this people, caufes which generally fprung from their love of po verty, their education, and enthusiasm for liberty, he paints with energy the fatal cauies that led to their declenfion. And although these objects have been handled by a prodigious variety of writers, yet under the maflerly touches of this author, they appear in a novel and interefting point of view. "En tout genre de combat c'eft de l'art et de l'expérience, bien plus que du grand nombre, et d'une valeur mal-conduite qu'il faut attendre la victoire, auffi voyons-nous qu'il n'y a qu'une adreffe fupérieure dans le manniement des armes, une exacte difcipline, une longue pratique de la guerre, et furtout l'attention de prendre chez les peuples voifins tout ce qui pouvoit contribuer à la perfection, qui aient rendu les Romains inaîtres de Funivers. Sans cela leur petit nombre et -il pu tenir contre la multitude des Gaulois, leur taille médiocre contre la bauteur gigantefque des Germains? On F fait fait que les Efpagnols les furpaffoient par le nombre et par la force du corps; les Africains, par la rufe et par les richcffes; les Grecs, par les fciences et les arts. Mais ils favoient mieux que tous ces peuples choifir de bons foldats, leur enfeigner la guerre par principes, les fortifier par des exercises, journalier, prevoir tout ce qui pouvoit arriver dans les diverfes fortes des combats, des marches, des campe. mens, punir févérement les lâches, &c." The young officer, in particular, will read with avidity and inflruction the moft memorable battles that were ever fought; efpecially as there are plates to accompany each battle, with the author's remarks on the genius, errors, and overfights of the greatest generals. We fhall close this interefting and curious article with an extract, as a fpecimen of the author's happy manner of narrating, and the fcientific knowledge he has difplayed in defcribing the battle of Zama, in which Hannibal and Scipio difplayed the talents of two confummate maflers of this fience. "La conduite des généraux dans cette grande Journée, fut marquée au coin du génie, de la prudence, et du talent. Rien n'eft donné au hazard, à l'habitude. Chaque difpofition, chaque manoeuvre fut calculée d'après les circonftances et les évolutions de l'ennemi qu'on avoit en tête. Je crois cependant qu'on pourroit reprocher à Annibal, de 'avoir pas affez tiré parti de la fuperiorité que la force de fon armée lui donnoit. Par exemple, ne pouvoit-il pas, pendant que la premiere ligne étoit aux prifes avec les Haftaires, faire filer par derriere celle des Carthagenois, qui s'étendant à droite, et à gauche pour dépaffer le front de l'armee Romaine, l'acroient prife en flane? Pourquoi, lorfqu'il vit fes deux premieres lignes mifes en fuite, ne pratiqua-t-il pas des intervalles dans fa troifieme, pour lailler paffer les fuyards et leur donner la facilité de fe reformer? Rien n'acroit été plus aifé à faire; il ne s'agifloit que de rompre cette troisieme ligne par divifions, à droite ou à gauche. Ces intervalles euflent été auffitôt refermés par un mouvement contraire. Si ces étrangers fe fuffent reformés, ils euffent pu faire tête à la cavalerie qui revint charger à dos l'armée d'Annibal, et ils auroient empêché fa défaite. Sciffion fe conduifit dans cette affaire en général confommé. Il ne négligee rien de ce qui pouvoit lui procurer la victoire. Annibal avoit un trés-beau plan, fit de belles maneuvies, mais il pouvoit encore mieux faire." Effays on Suicide, and the Immortality of the Soul, afcribed to the late David Hume, Efq. never before publifhed. With Remarks, intended as an Antidote to the Poifon contained in the Performance, by the Editor. To which are added, two Letters on Suicide, from Rouffeau's Eloife. London. 1783. Price 3s. 6d. fewed. L ITERARY fame, as he himfelt acknowledged, was the predominant paffion of Mr. Hume. And had he always exercifed his talents on innocent fubjects, he would have acquired celebrity, not only by the fabtleness of his philofophy, but the ufefulness of his morality. To illuftrate and confirm opinions already received, entitles an author only to fecondary praife; and is the humble tafk of plodding commentators. But to root out the most inveterate prejudices of the mind, and in their room to fubftitute doctrines which extite furprize by their novelty, and affonifhment by their boldness, procures one a title to no vulgar praile, and feems an object not unworthy ambiton. If fuch innovations can be made conducive to the interefts of fociety, if the efforts of daring and inventive genius can be qualified by a tendency to promote the good of mankind, then praite is complete, and genius meets its highest reward. It is a reward-a glory fomething of this kind, of which Mr. Hume is ambi 3 tious. The fpirit of the greater part of his philofophical, and, indeed, of a great part of his hiftorical writing, is an attempt to raise mankind above the terrors of fuperftition, by ingenious and acute rçafou ing. In his lati ilinefs, accordingly, he remarked to his intimate friends, with no fmall triumph, that he faw the clouds of religious fears vanifhing before the funfhine of his writings. Serenity of mind is the most precious fruit of philofophy. This fruit Mr. Hume reaped himself, and he was defirous of imparting it to others. The grand practical inference to be drawn from Mr. Hume's philofophy in general;-he feems defirous to bequeath to poflerity, by way of legacy: it is couched in, and indeed is the fubject of these two effays, on Suicide, and the Immortality of the Soul. That thefe effays are in reality the production of the author, to whom they are attributed, is a matter that might very eafily be proved. Whoever is converfant with the writings of Mr. Hume, will here dilcover plain marks of his style and mans ner, ner, and of his peculiar turn of thinking. In the effay on fuicide, Mr. Hume fets out with magnifying the merits of philofophy, as an antidote againft fuperftition, and anxiety of mind. He proves with much acuteness of argument, that fuicide is juftifiable, according to the opinious of all the great fathers of antiquity, as alfo of what he thinks the moft refpectable and judicious part of the moderns. "Suicide, he fays, mufl be a tranfgreffion either of our duty to God, or to our neighbour, or to ourselves." All the fe different heads be confiders attentively, and finds little difficulty in proving that they are nothing but words. But, on these arguments of Mr. Hume, we obferve, that a man's difpofing of his life as he thinks proper, certaly is criminal, becaufe in every af it is criminal to encroach upon the laws of matter and motion, and to diftarb their operation. But we cannot fo readily affent to that reafoning, whereby he endeavours to evince that every one has the free difpofal of his own life. There is a certain book, with which we hope all Mr. Hume's readers are acquainted, which teaches a very different doctrine; according to this book, there is a propriety, a grace, a dignity, in facing danger with boldness, and in fubmitting patiently to the difpofal of heaven. The grand objeftion we make to Mr. Hume on this fabject, is that he fets moral obligation entirely afde, and does not confider man as an accountable creature: and reafons concerning his conduct, only on the principles of materialifm. The clay on the immortality of the fool abounds with the moft ingenious and fubtle reafoning and we fcruple not to agree with our author, that it is difficult to prove the immortality of the foul by the mere light of reafon. The arguments for it are commonly derived either from metaphyfical, phyfical, or moral topics. If we were to admit reafoning as a fufficient proof of the immortality of the foul, that of the author before us, would be perfectly conclufive. There is no fub. ject too profound for his refearches; and there is hardly any mind fo firm as to fol low him in his reafonings, without being greatly biaffed.-Mr. Hume reasons against the immortality of the human foul, from the iniquity and cruelty of eternal punishments. But those who look for the immortality of the foul, are not obliged to maintain the eternity of future punifhment. In a word-we agree entirely with Mr. Hume in what he expreffes ironically, that "Nothing could fet in a ful ler light the infinite obligations we have to Divine Revelation, than the confidera tion that no other medium could afcertain the great and important truth of the immortality of the foul." This is the real, unpolluted fountain, and there is no falvation to be found in any other. The notes annexed to thefe effays, are intended to expofe Mr. Hume's fophiftry. The editor thinks he 'renders the public an effential fervice, by adminiftring at once the poifon, and the antidote. The greateft benefit the reader has to expect from the two, is, an exemption from evil: now he might have had that, with out having been prefented with either; and there would have been a farther advantage-the editor would have faved himfelf a good deal of trouble.-Of the notes, we affirm that they are defultory, declamatory, compiled from former pub. lications, and altogether deflitute of that metaphyfical acumen, which was neceffary we do not fay to expose, but even to enter into, and fully comprehend the profound argumentation of Mr. Hume. Thele effays of Mr. Hume are fhort, and might have fold for a fhilling: but the bookfeller has thought proper to fwell it with notes, and two of Rouffeau's well-known letters, which do nothing but add to the price of the pamphlet. Chemical Reflections relating to the Nature, Caufes, Prevention, and Cure of fome Difeafes; in particular, the Sea Scurvy, the Stone and Gravel, the Gout, the Rheumatism, Fevers, &c. containing Obfervations upon Air; upon conflituent Principles; and the decompofition of animal and vegetable Subftances; with a Variety of occafional Remarks, Philofophical and Medical; to which is added, the Method of making Wine from the Juice of the Sugar Cane. By James Rymer, Surgeon, at Ryegate. 12mo. WE E have, on a former occafion, given our opinion of Mr. Rymer as an author. 66 Being but a gentleman foldier, in the ranks of the medical army, I hope, fays he, no commiffioned officer will shake his cane over the head of a poor private, for prefuming to think, and to deliver opinions relative to his profeffion." This pallage, which occurs in the body of the work, fhews, that the author fill F 2 preferves preferves his eccentricity. The prefent publication, however, is not deftitute of ufeful obfervations; and like all Mr. Rymer's other publications, affords marks of a benevolence of heart which does him honour. The following paffage points out an abufe which is certainly difgraceful to humanity, and which we hope will be attended to in every future war, by thofe whofe province it is to rectify it. "When I was furgeon to his Majefty's fhip Conqueftadore, then ftationed at the Nore, to receive impreffed men from tenders, &c. I have received poor wretches under my care, by the tender from the tower, in the most pitiable condition. The method is to hut up fixty or eighty ill fated mortals in the hold of a small veffel, where they are fometimes, as it were, flowed in bulk. The hatch-way, if the men become troublesome for want of common cool air, is at times hermetically fealed. As they are not fuffered to come upon deck, to answer the calls of nature, there is a tub, or a bucket, placed below in the midst of them. The effluvia from human excrement, muft of courfe, add greatly to the milery of Britons fo treated. Under fuch circumftances many faint, and fome die others have been received on board the guardfhip, with fever that has immediately exhibited putrid phenomena, terminating in death. Thele wretches, after having been eighteen or twenty hours. thus confined, look as if they had come out of the Black Hole of Calcutta, with cadaverous countenances, drenched with fweat and the vapour of the breath, and reeking with heat. I have feen human nature undergoing fevere difcipline in various countries, barbarous and polished, but I do not recollect to have feen my fellow-creatures any where in a more unpleafant fituation, than I have feen the fubjects of a nation, fo juflly renowned for magnanimity, benevolence and pity, on board British tenders. It is faid, the urgency, the exigency of affairs require it. It may be fo; and I bow down with reverence, though unconvinced. O for the purfe and the power of an absolute monarch, and a royal mandate to travel throughout his dominions in queft of human woe; to faturate the wants of wretchedness, in ftations beneath the notice of unfeeling affluence and gaudy giddy blazonry; and above all, O for the purfe and power of Majeity, to reward in the gentleft and most delicate way, that fuffering glory of humanity, which, like patience on a monument fmiling at grief, nobly perishes in fome lone retreat, a triumphant and fplendid facrifice to the dignity of our nature, rather than fay thank you, to all the monarchs upon earth." For anecdotes of the author, fee Vol. III. p. 204. Effays on Shakespeare's Dramatic Characters of Richard the Third, King Lear, and Timon of Athens: to which are added, an Ellay on the Faults of Shakespeare, and additional Obfervations on the Character of Hamlet. By Mr. Richardlon, Profellor of Humanity in the Univerfity of Glafgow. Murray, 1784. ΤΗ fchool is fill, in fome meafure, retained in univerfities, where the advancement of knowledge is retarded, and ignorance rendered venerable by the fanction of parlia ment. But the history of the human mind is made the bafis of logic, metaphyfics, and moral philofophy in most of those leminaries that, being free from the dread of innovation, keep pace with the progrefs of science. In the university to which the author of the effays, which have given rife to thefe obfervations, belongs, the profeffors Hutchinfon and Smith had attended, with great fagacity and accuracy, to the phenomena of the moral world; and, from the nature of man, deduced the laws, together with the principles by which they are enforced, that ought to regulate human conduct. The fyftems of thele ingenious philofophers are indeed different; but in this they both agree, that at every turn they make appeals to common life, and to the workings of the heart as unfolded in hiftory. Mr. Richardion treads in the fame fteps with his illustrious pre'deceffors, when, in a philofophical anaIytis and illuftration of fome of Shake[ptare's remarkable characters published fome years ago, he contemplated that faithful mirror of nature, and traced the various influence of external caufes upon the images which it reflects. He fhews how true to nature the poet appears in his conceptions, and deduces fuch reflectons as both enlighten the theory, and terd to facilitate the practice of virtue.The difcourfes now offered by this ingerious author to the public, as we are informed in a preface, were written at dif. ferent times; and read before a literary fociety in the college of Glafgow. The Girth of them relates to the dramatic chatatter of King Richard the Third. The vices of this prince, Mr. Richardfon ob ferves, by no means anfwer the purpofe of a foil to the virtues of any other perfons reprefented in the poem; for the virtues and innocence of others ferve only to render his hideous guilt the more inexculable. Neither does the pleasure we teceive, entirely arife from the gratification four refentment, or the due difplay of portical juflice. We are pleated, no Coubt, with the punishment of Richard. It is not his punishment, however, but the difplay of his enormities, and their progrefs to this completion, that form the ctief fubject of our attention. By what artifices has the author rendered the fhockng vices of Richard an aufing spectacle? Why do we not turn from the Richard of Shakespeare, as we turn from his Titus Andronicus? The fubject, as Mr. Richardfon obferves, is curious and deferves Car attention. The fingular appearance in queflion, according to our author, is produced not by veiling and contrafting offenfive features and colours, by fo connecting thera with agreeable qualities reliding in the tharacter itself, that the dilagrecable effeét is either entirely removed, or by its union with coalefcing qualities is converted, agreeably to Mr. Hume's Theory of the Paffions, into a pleatable feeling. The fatisfaction we receive in conten.plating the character of Richard in the varipus attitudes in which the post has placed hun, proceeds from a mixed feeling: a feeling compounded of honor, on account of his guilt; and of admiration on account of his talents. "By the concurrence of these two emotions, the mind is thrown into a flate of unfual agitation, neither painful nor pleafant, in the extremes of pain or of pleasure, but flangely delightful" After having made thefe remarks, the author proceeds to illuftrate, by a paiticular analyfis of fome triking scenes in the tragedy of Richard the Third, “That the pleafure we receive from the character of Richard, is produced by thofe emotions, which arife in the mind, on beholding great intellectual ability employed for inhuman and perfidious purposes." In the profecution of this defign, our author, at the fame time that he illuftrates a very curious truth on the conduct of the pal fions, exhibits in a very flriking light the wonderful penetration and art of the poet. In the effay on the dramatic character of King Lear, Mr. Richardfon points out the difference between actions that flow from mere fenfibility, and thofe which arife from a fenfe of duty. This difference has been recognized by Dr. Smith, and other writers on morals. Dr. Smith, when handling that fubject, fuppofes the cafe of a wife who performs all kind offices to her husband, from an affectionate and tender difpofition; and that of a wife who performs all good offices to him from a fenfe of dury. He juftly obferves, that where fenfibility is not confirmed by principle, it is not entitled to the highest degree of praife, but in many reípects, is deficient. In illuftrating this truth from the tragedy of King Lear, Mr. Richardfon fucws an intimate acquaintance with human nature, and an exquifite talte in dramatic criticifm. His conclulions on this fubject are or a practical and useful nature, and evince the great importance of regulating and fortifying the fertiments of benevolence by the maxins and the ftandard of virtue. The profeffor goes on to fhew, that mere fenfibility, undirected by reflection, renders men capricioully inconftant in their affections, and variable, and, of course irrefolute in their conduct. Thefe things, together with the miferies they occafion, are certainly well luftrated by Shakespeare in his dramatic character of King Lear, as Mr. Richardion has proved in a very fatisfactory, plcaling, and ueful manner. In the third of thefe elfivs, Mr. Richardfou remarks, that thera is An incon fiderate profulion which has the appearance of liberality, and is fuppofed even by the inconfiderate perfon bimilf, to proceed from a generous principle; but which in reality has its chief origin in the love of diftinction." This charafter, with the milerics which accompany, it, is aptly |