The Commons' Address.] March 23d. The Speaker having reported to the House the king's Speech: Mr. Robert Walpole made a speech in which he set forth the great happiness of these nations by his majesty's seasonable accession to the crown; ran through the mismanagements of the four last preceding years; and concluded with a motion for an Address of thanks to the king, conformable to the several heads of his majesty's speech. He was seconded by the lord Hinchinbroke, member for Huntingdon ; and none but sir William Whitlocke, member for the university of Oxford, having raised any objection against Mr. Walpole's motion, it was resolved, That an Address be presented to his majesty; and a committee was appointed to draw it up, of which Mr. Walpole was elected chairman; which was as follows: "Most gracious sovereign; "Your majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects the Commons of Great Britain in parliament assembled, return your majesty their unfeigned thanks for your most gracious speech from the throne. "It is with inexpressible joy that we approach your majesty, peaceably seated upon the throne of your royal ancestors; and being thoroughly sensible of the many open and secret practices that have of late years heen used to defeat the Protestant Succession, we cannot sufficiently adore the Divine Providence, that so seasonably interposed, and saved this nation by your majesty's happy accession to the crown. "Your faithful Commons receive with the highest gratitude, your most gracious assurances, that the established constitution in church and state shall be the rule of your government; and the safety, ease, and prosperity of your people the chief care of your life. We are sensible of your goodness expressed to those who have distinguished themselves by their zeal and firinness for the Protestant succession: And as we doubt not, but the wisdom and steadiness of your government will unite the hearts of all your faithful subjects in duty and affection to your sacred person, so we most humbly beg leave to assure your majesty, that we not only highly resent the wicked insinuations used to disquiet the minds of your subjects, but are resolved, to the utmost of our power, to suppress and extinguish that evil disposition that is still at work to deprive your majesty of the affections of your people. "We are sensibly touched, not only with the disappointment, but with the reproach brought on the nation by the unsuitable conclusion of a war, which was carried on at so vast an expence, and was attended with such unparalleled successes: But as that dishonour cannot in justice be imputed to the whole nation, so we firmly hope and believe, that through your majesty's great wisdom, and the faithful endeavours of your Commons, the reputation of these your kingdoms will in due time be vindicated and restored. "We are under astonishment to find, that any conditions of the late peace, essential to the security and trade of Great Britain, should not be duly executed; and that care was not taken to form such alliances, as might have rendered that peace not precarious. And as no care shall be wanting in your loyal Commons to enquire into these fatal miscarriages, so we entirely rely on your majesty's wisdom, to enter into such alliances as you shall judge necessary to preserve the peace of Europe; and we faithfully promise to enable your majesty to make good all such engagements. "It is with just resentment we observe, that the Pretender still resides in Lorrain, and that he has the presumption, by declarations from thence, to stir up your majesty's subjects to rebellion; But that which raises the utmost indignation of your Commons is, that it appears therein, that his hopes were built upon the measures that had been taken for some time past in Great Britain. It shall be our business to trace out those measures whereon he placed his hopes, and to bring the authors of them to condign punishment. "Your Commons are under the deepest concern, that a great part of our trade is rendered impracticable, which if not retrieved, must destroy our manufactures, and ruin our navigation: But though we are too sensible of those fatal consequences, we are not yet withby the assistance of your Commons, may find out hopes, that your majesty's great wisdom, means to extricate your people from their present difficulties. "The blessings derived to these nations from your majesty's auspicious reign, are not confined to the present times; we have a prospect of future and lasting happiness entailed upon your people by a long succession of your royal And as this is a blessing which these progeny. kingdoms have a long time wanted, so they could never hope to have seen it so well supplied, as in the person of his royal highness the prince of Wales, and his issue. Your faithful Commons shall therefore think it their duty to enable your majesty to support the dignity of the crown, and to make an honourable provision for the royal family. "The surprising increase of the public debts, even since all thoughts of carrying on the war were laid aside, shall not discourage us from granting such supplies as shall be necessary for the service of this year, and the support of public faith: And we do entirely concur with your majesty in opinion, that nothing can contribute more towards preserving the credit of the nation, than a strict observance of all parliamentary engagements, which we are firmly resolved upon all occasions inviolably to main tain." Debate thercon.] Upon the reading of this Address, there arose a warm debate in the House; Mr. Shippen, Mr. Bromley, sir William Wyndham, general Ross, Mr. Cæsar, Mr. Ward, sir Robert Raymond, * sir William Whitlocke, Mr. Hungerford, and some others, raised objections against divers expressions in the Address; but were answered by Mr. Robert Walpole, Mr. Secretary Stanhope †, sir Gilbert Heathcote, and Mr. William Pulteney. General Ross, among the rest, insisted much, "That the condemning the peace, and censuring the late ministry, was a reflection on the late queen, whose act and deed the peace was; and that he was sure the reflecting on the late queen, could not be agreeable to his present majesty." He was answered by Mr. Robert Walpole, and general Stanhope, "That nothing was farther from their intentions, than to asperse the late queen; that they rather designed to vindicate her memory, by exposing and punishing those evil counsellors who deluded her into pernicious measures; whereas the opposite party endeavoured to screen and justify those counsellors, by throwing on that good, pious, and well meaning princess, all the blame and odium of their evil counsels." As to censuring the late ministers, without hearing them, and condemning the peace, without examining into particulars, as unjust and unprecedented, it was answered, "That they must distinguish between censuring ministers, and condemning the peace in general, and condemning particular persons. That they might, in equity and justice, do the first, because the whole nation is already sensible, that their honour and true interest were given up by the late peace; that in due time they would call them to an account, who made and advised such a peace; but God forbid they should ever condemn any person unheard." On this occasion, General Stanhope took notice of a report industriously spread abroad, "That the present ministers never designed to call the late managers to an account, but only to censure them in general terms: but he assured the House, that notwithstanding all the endeavours that had been used to prevent a discovery of the late mismanagements, by conveying away several papers from the secretaries offices, yet the government had sufficient evidence left to prove the late ministry the most corrupt that ever sate at the helm: That those matters would soon be laid before the House: and that it would appear, that a certain English general had acted in concert with, if not received orders from, Marshal Villars." Sir William Wyndham endeavoured to prove, that the peace had been very beneficial to this kingdom, and offered to produce a list of goods, by which it appeared, that the customs had in Made attorney-general, 5th May, 1720: lord chief justice of the King's bench, Feb. 28, 1724, and afterwards created a baron of Great Britain. + Made secretary of state, 23d January, 1716; chancellor of the exchequer, 13th April, 1717, and afterwards created an earl, VOL. VII. | creased near 100,000l. per annum. was immediately taken up by, Sir Gilbert Heathcote, who readily owned, sir William might, indeed, produce a list of vast imports from France, but defied him to shew that our exports thither, particularly of our woollen manufactures, had encreased since the peace. He added, that imports being only our consumption, rather prove our loss than our gain; and that the nation gets only by exports, which keep up our manufactures, employ which sir William Wyndhamn made no reply. our poor, and bring in returns in money; to that the new ministry designed to involve the Sir William Whitelocke having suggested, nation in a new war, and lay 6s. in the pound, was assured by Mr. Robert Walpole, that none in the present ministry were for a war, if the doubted not, but 2s. in the pound would be same could any ways be avoided; and that he sufficient towards this year's service. the question put, that the Address of thanks After this debate, a motion being made, and be recommitted, it passed in the negative, by solved, That the House do agree with the Com244 voices against 138; and then it was remittee in the said Address; and ordered, that such members as are of the privy council, should know his majesty's pleasure, when he would be attended by the House. The King's Answer.] The king having appointed the next day, the Commons, with their Speaker, attended his majesty accordingly at St. James's, with their Address, to which his majesty returned the following Answer: kind assurances you have given me in your du"Gentlemen; I thank you for the many tiful and loyal Address.-No endeavours shall be wanting on my part, to promote your true interest, and endear myself to all my people: and I will depend on your zeal and affection, to defeat all evil designs, that may tend to disquiet the minds of my people, and disturb the tranquillity of my government." The King's Proclamation for calling the Par liament objected against.] April 5. The House being moved to appoint a day for taking into consideration the King's Proclamation of the 15th of January last for calling a new parliament, and the same being read accordingly, Sir William Whitelocke made some exceptions to the said Proclamation, as unprece dented and unwarrantable, for which he was called upon by some members to explain himself; upon which he made an excuse for what he had said. The passages here alluded to are as follows, viz. We cannot omit, on this occasion of first 'summoning our parliament of Great Britain, in justice to ourselves, and that the miscar'riages of others may not be imputed to us, at a 'time when faise impressions may do the greatest and irrecoverable hurt before they can be 'cleared up, to signify to our whole kingdom, 'that we were very much concerned, on our E accession to the crown, to find the public 'affairs of our kingdoms under the greatest dif'ficulties, as well in respect of our trade, and the interruption of our navigation, as of the great debts of the nation, which we were surprized to observe, had been very much in"creased since the conclusion of the last war; We do not therefore doubt, that if the ensuing elections shall be made by our loving subjects with that safety and freedom which by law they are entitled to, and we are firmly resolved to maintain to them, they will send up to parliament the fittest persons to redress the present disorders, and to provide for the peace and happiness of our kingdoms, and the ease of our people for the future, and therein will have a particular regard to such shewed a firmness to the Protestant Suc'cession, when it was most in danger, &c.' as Motion for committing Sir W. Windham to the Tower.] This dispute would have been dropped, had not Sir William Windham even carried the mat ter farther, by advancing, that the said Proclamation was not only unprecedented and unwarrantable, but even of dangerous consequence to the very being of parliaments. The cour tiers could not but take notice of so home a reflection, and thereupon called upon Sir William Windham to justify his charge; but sir William, who judged he could not descend to particulars, without giving farther offence, declined explaining himself; though at the same time, he resolutely maintained his first assertion, saying, "That as he thought some expressions in the said proclamation of dangerous consequence, so he believed every member was free to speak his thoughts." Lord Finch said, No doubt but every member has that liberty, freedom of speech being one of the essential privileges of that House; but that the House has, at the same time, both the liberty and power to censure and punish such members as trangress the rules of decency, trespass upon the respect due to the crown, and so abuse the privileges of the House within doors, as to render it contemptible without. Sir William being again called upon to explain himself, and still persisting in his refusal, some members cried the Tower, the Tower;' but Mr. Robert Walpole warded off the blow by words to the following purpose, "Mr. Speaker, I am not for gratifying the desire which the member, who occasions this great debate, shews of being sent to the Tower; it would make him too considerable: but as he is a young man of good parts, who sets up for a warm champion of the late ministry, and one who was in all their secrets, I would have him be in the House when we come to enquire into the conduct of his friends, both that he may have an opportunity to defend them, and be a witness of the fairness with which we shall proceed against those gentlemen; and that it may not be said, that we take any advantage against them." After several other speeches, which prolonged this debate from one till half an hour past five in the afternoon, a motion was made, and the question put, That the House do now adjourn, which being carried in the negative by a majority of 212 voices against 154, a motion was made, and the question proposed, "That sir William Windham having reflected upon his majesty's proclamation of the 15th of January last, for calling a new parliament, and having refused to justify his charge, although often called upon so to do, is guilty of a great indignity to his majesty, and of a breach of the privilege of the House." This motion occasioned a fresh debate, that lasted till seven of the clock; the courtiers still insisting, that sir William Windham should justify his charge, and sir William as resolutely declining to do it, saying, he was ready to undergo whatever a majority might think fit to inflict upon him. At last the question being put, That sir William Windham should withdraw, voices against 129, whereupon sir William the same was carried in the affirmative by 208 withdrew accordingly; and with him, to a man, all the 129 members who had been for the negative. Their antagonists being thus entire masters of the field, the question was put and unanimously resolved, "That Sir William Windham, having reflected upon his majesty's proclamation of the 15th of January last, for calling a new parliament, and having refused to justify his charge, although often called upon so to do, is guilty of a great indignity to his majesty, and of a breach of the privilege of the House." After which it was ordered, That sir William Windham be, for the said offence, reprimanded in his place by Mr. Speaker: and that he should attend the House in his place the next morning. Sir W. Windham reprimanded by the Speaker.] April 6. Sir William Windham attending in his place, according to order; The Speaker called upon him by his name, (Mr. Speaker sitting in the chair covered); and, sir William Windham standing up in his place uncovered, Mr. Speaker spoke to him to the effect following: "Sir William Windham, I am to acquaint you, that yesterday, after you were withdrawn, the House came to this Resolution: That sir William Windham, having reflected upon his 'majesty's proclamation, of the 15th of January last, for calling a new parliament; and having 'refused to justify his charge, although often 'called upon so to do; is guilty of a great indignity to his majesty, and of a breach of the privilege of this House: Sir, the arraigning a Proclamation, issued by his majesty, for calling this present parliament; and refusing to assign any cause, why such proclamation is blameable; the House thought an indignity to his majesty, and so unwarrantable an use of that freedom of speech, which is the undoubted privilege of parliament, that the House thought they could not let it pass without animadversion; but, being willing their moderation should appear, notwithstanding their lenity has been too much despised and contemned, they have inflicted the mildest censure your offence was capable of; and have commanded me to reprimand you in your place; and in obedience to their command, I do reprimand you accordingly." Whereupon Sir William Windham said, "That it was easy to see that one of his nearest relations was principally aimed at, in the intended inquiries; but he might assure the house, that the said person, notwithstanding the sometimes in town, and sometimes in the country; affecting to appear very unconcerned, professing his innocence, and boasting what great things he had done for securing the Hanover succession. The other affected to act a more open part, appeared every where, and spoke in parliament with such boldness, as if he had not This was said to be owing to the advice of the the least sense of guilt, or dread of punishment. lord Trevor, who represented to him, “How chief interest it was to support it to the last, much their cause would suffer, if he, whose should meanly throw it up, by absenting himself. to myself of having offered any indignity to his his person till he was impeached; which he He assured him, no hold could be taken of majesty, or of having been guilty of any breach could not be, till the papers relating to the part of the privilege of this House, I have no thanks of the administration, in which he was concernto return to those gentlemen who, under a pre-ed, were examined." However, it was observed, tence of lenity, have, brought me under this censure." "Mr. Speaker; I very truly return my thanks to you for performing that duty which is incumbent upon you, from your office, in so candid and gentleman-like a manner. As I ama member I know I must acquiesce in the determi nation of the House; but, as I am not conscious Motion for appointing a Committee, to inquire into the late Peace, and the Management of the late Queen's Ministry.] April 9. Mr. Secretary Stanhope presented to the House, pursuant to their Address to his majesty for that purpose, on the 31st of Marcb, all the Powers, Instructions, Memorials, Papers, &c. relating to the late Negotiation of Peace and commerce, and to the late cessation of arms, which he delivered in at the table, and told the House, "That nothing had been omitted, that might either answer the desire they had expressed of being thoroughly informed of what had passed in those important negotiations, or to satisfy the whole world, that the present ministry acted with the utmost fairness and candour, and designed to take no manner of advantage over the late managers in the intended inquiries: That, indeed, the papers now laid before the House were only copies, but that the originals would be produced if occasion required: concluding, That those papers being too many, and too voluminous to be perused and examined by all the members of the House, he thought it more convenient, aud therefore moved, that the said books and papers be referred to a Select Committee of twenty persons, who should digest the substance of them under proper heads, and report the same, with their observations thereupon to the House." that the earl of Oxford sold out all the stock he had in his own name in the south-sea company: and the lord Bolingbroke's heart began to fail him, as soon as he heard, that Mr. Prior was landed at Dover, and had promised to reveal all he knew which however he did not make good, though he was favourably received by the king, to whom he was introduced by the earl of Dorset ; and, the same day, was entertained at dinner by the lord Townshend, together with the duke of Roxburgh, Mr. secretary Stanhope, the earl of Dorset, and the lord Lumley. That evening the lord Bolingbroke, who had the night before appeared at the play-house in Drury-Lane, and bespoke another play for the next night, and subscribed to a new opera, that was to be acted some time after, went off Dover in disguise, as a servant to la Vigne, one of the French king's messengers; and there William Morgan, who had been a captain in major-general Holt's regiment of marines, hired a vessel, and carried him over to Calais, where the governor attended him in a coach, and carried him to his house, as appeared by Morgan's examination. The next day after it was publicly known, that he was gone to France, there was handed about in writing and afterwards in print, the following letter said to be writ by him : 'I left the town so abruptly, that I had not Mr. Ward said, Nothing could be fairer.time to take leave of you, or any of my friends That for his own part, though his principle was 'You will excuse me, when you know, that I that kings can do no wrong, yet he was of opi-had certain and repeated informations from nion, that ministers were accountable for their mal-administration. Mr. Edward Harley* stood up, and said, One of the auditors of the Imprest, and brother to the earl of Oxford. "The conduct of the earl of Oxford and the lord Bolingbroke, the two chiefs of the late ministry, was at this time very remarkable. The earl skulked about some, who are in the secret of affairs, that a ' resolution was taken by those, who have power to execute it, to pursue me to the scaffold. " My blood was to have been the cement of a new alliance; nor could my innocence be any security, after it had been once demanded from abroad, and resolved on at home, that it was necessary to cut me off. Had there been 'the least reason to hope for a fair and open various reports which had been spread concerning him, would neither fly his country, nor conceal himself, but be forth-coming whenever he should be called upon to justify his conduct. That he hoped he would be able upon the severest trial, to make his innocence appear to all the world; but if he should be so unhappy as to have been guilty of the crimes that were laid to his charge, he would think all his blood too small a sacrifice to atone for them." Nobody opposed general Stanhope's motion: Mr. Hungerford only excepted against the number of 20, and moved that one more might be added; which was agreed to, and it was resolved, "That the papers before-mentioned be referred to a committee of 21. That the said Committee be a Committee of Secrecy; that they be chosen by way of balloting: and, that the members of the House should on the Monday following prepare lists for that purpose." This A Committee of Secrecy appointed] April 19. Mr. Bladen reported from the Committee to whom it was referred 'to examine the lists of 21 persons to be the Committee of Se endeared to the friends of liberty, and to all who have a true concern for the protestant interest. Could the services, which he performed for this nation and the present royal family be duly enumerated, they would appear beyond the best skill and abilities of any single man. King Charles 2. admitted him to great familiarities, and had him for a companion in many of his debauches, with a design to make him wholly his own. With regard to private vices, the success was notorious; but in what related to the public and court, he absolutely disappointed the king. He saw and heard the designs of a prince, to whose indolence and luxury the nation was obliged for its preservation. gave him a just contempt for such a governor, and an abhorrence of all his views. King William was duly sensible of his services before and at the revolution. In that reign he attained to no higher a station than being comptroller of the household; which must be ascribed to the unhappy influence of those, who hated him, and his royal master. He received however the utmost proofs of confidence and respect, and had the king's most intimate designs communicated to him. His probity and good affection in what concerned the government was so well assured, that it gave him great and constant interest. Many important measures were ascribed to his secret advice. His great vigour and happy address in serving the good cause, which he had ever in view, cannot fully be described. His labours were infinite with men of all ranks, and on all proper occasions. He knew how to accommodate himself to every temper and inclination. What to others would have been great pain and trouble, afforded him great pleasure and satisfaction. The merit of his conduct in the country, at court, and in the senate, was equally admirable. His enemies, who were only so on the account of his public zeal and Some maintained this letter to be supposi usefulness, have greatly aggravated his immotitious, but the generality of the Tories owned itralities, and loaded him with crimes, froin which to be true. And it plainly appeared afterwards, that he had just reasons to leave the kingdom." | Tindal. trial, after having been already prejudged, unheard, by the two Houses of Parliament, I 'should not have declined the strictest exami"nation. I challenge the most inveterate of my enemies to produce any one instance of 'criminal correspondence, or the least corruption in any part of the administration, in which I was concerned. If my zeal for the 'honour and dignity of my royal mistress, and 'the true interest of my country, has any where transported me to let slip a warm or unguarded 'expression, I hope the most favourable interpretation will be put upon it. It is a comfort, that will remain with me in all misfortunes, that I served her majesty faithfully and dutifully, in that especially, which she had "most at heart, relieving her people from a bloody and expensive war; and that I have always been too much an Englishman, to sacrifice the interest of my country to any 'foreign ally whatsoever. And it is for this crime only, that I am now driven from thence. You will hear more at large from me shortly. 'Yours, &c.' On the 11th of April the earl of Oxford went to the parliament, and took his seat in the House of Peers. About this time the earl of Peterborough suddenly returned from his late travels to Italy and France, having met with the lord Bolingbroke on the road between Paris and Calais; but it was said, he did not speak to him. The next day after his arrival, the earl appeared at St. James's, but, whatever was the occasion, two days after the lord Townshend signified to him an order forbidding him the court. "On the 12th of April the marquis of Wharton, lord privy-seal, died at his house in Doverstreet, after an indisposition of twelve days, in the 67th year of his age. His name will be ever he was wholly free. But did he not learn the rudiments of vice under their favourite king Charles? Have not the private lives of most of their leaders been equally faulty? Are they excusable for pretending to the name and noise of religion? Lord Wharton's defects oblige us the more to admire his excellencies. In a life spent in a libertine manner, useful knowledge and learning were neglected. But an infinite fund of good sense and great natural abilities supplied whatever was wanting. On every emergency he discovered what was proper, and was never at a loss how to act. There was only not a readiness, and propriety in his speeches; but they were weighty and important. Nothing can be imagined more excellent than his skill and sagacity in the management of a debate. In these public appearances he was greatly assist ed, by never engaging in the support of what be |