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is not reasonable to be presumed, that the offi-
cers of the crown would state the debt higher
than it really was, so we cannot but think that
nothing was alledged in the debate that made
it appear the debt was less than stated in the
question; but on the contrary, had the exact
quantum of the debt been material to have
been inquired into on this occasion, it was evi-
dent to us, even from a memorandum at the
bottom of the same paper, that the debt was,
in reality, much higher the 31st of December,
1720, than stated in the question.*

(Signed) W. Ebor', Bristol, Bathurst,
Montjoy, Compton, Boyle, Strafford,
Guilford, Aberdeen, Weston, Litchfield,
Fr. Roffen', Cowper, North and Grey,
Fran. Cestriens', Foley, Uxbridge, Ash-
burnham."

The same day a motion was made, "That the lessening the Public Debt annually, by all proper methods, is necessary to the restoring and preserving the Public Credit." And a question being stated thereupon, after debate, the previous question was put, whether the said question shall be now put? It was resolved in the negative.

think it must have been, had it been put) in the affirmative. (Signed) W. Ebor', Strafford, Cowper,Ashburnham, Weston, Bathurst, North and Grey, Compton, Fra. Roffen', Boyle, Uxbridge, Foley, Bristol, Aberdeen, Guilford, Litchfield, Fra. Ces triens'."

Debate on a Motion for limiting the Time for entering Protests.] February 27. The earl of Sunderland took notice, That the privilege of entering Protests, had of late been so straint ought to be put to it, by limiting the much abused, that, in his opinion, some retime for entering Protestations, upon asking leave of the House, which was never denied: and therefore he moved, "That such Lords as shall enter their Protestations with Reasons, shall do the same before two o'clock the next sitting day, and sign them before the House rises." This was opposed by lord Cowper, who alledged, That the time being so short, and very few lords coming so early, such an Order would, in effect, put an end to all protesting, which was an ancient privilege of that House. The bishop of Rochester added, That if Protests were limited to so short a time, this was, at least, the way to have them crude and "1. Because as the main question is unde- undigested; and he thought it unbecoming the niably true, and seems to us admitted to be dignity of that august assembly to have any thing entered upon their Journals, which were so, by its being prevented to be put by the pre-records for after-ages, before it had been duly vious question, so we think it would have been considered on and well digested. He was suphighly experient and useful to the public to ported by the lords Bathurst, North and Grey have had it put and voted in the affirmative, and Trevor: but they were opposed by the that by the declared opinion of this House lords Townshend and Onslow, the earl of Sun(which must always be of the greatest autho- derland and the bishop of Peterborough, the rity) those, who are more immediately concerned to take care of the Public Credit, might the question being put upon the said motion, duke of Argyle and the lord Carteret; and not rely on vain and deceitful projects for restoring and preserving the credit of the nation, against 18; and an Order was made, pursuant it was resolved in the affirmative by 48 voices. but apply themselves seriously and diligently to the said Resolution. Then a motion was to bring about the only effectual means of do- made, That the said Order be made a Standing it. that motion was adjourned to the 3rd of ing Order of the House, &c. but the debate on March, when all the lords were ordered to be

"Dissentient'

summoned.

second time an ingrossed bill from the Commons, To prevent the clandestine running of Goods,' bill do pass, it was resolved in the affirmative, &c. And the question being put, whether the by 36 against 19.

2. Although so clear and evident a truth, as is contained in the main question, cannot when proposed but obtain the consent of all, especially of such as are qualified to be in great stations, yet at this juncture, when the public is under such great necessities from the unex-ning of Goods.] March 2. The Lords read a Protest against passing a Bill relating to runampled pressure of debts, and when all other remedies hitherto attempted have proved ineffectual, if not mischievous, we cannot but conceive it was extremely proper, and must have greatly conduced to the restoring and preserving the Public Credit, to have quickened the endeavours for that purpose of all in the public service, by so high an authority as a resolution of this House, not only pointing out to them the way they should take towards that good end, but intimating also, that as far as is possible to be attained, the doing so would be expected from them.

"And therefore we conceive, the main question should have been put and voted (as we

*This Protest was expunged by order of the 3rd of March following.

"Dissentient'

"1. Because we are very sensible of the ill consequences that attend the pernicious practice of running of goods; and therefore wish some reasonable, proper and effectual method (which we do not take this Bill to be) might have been set on foot to prevent it.

"2. Because the making the alteration, by a former bill, from ships of 15 tun to those of 30, has not proved of any advantage, as we apprehend, since it has been admitted that the customs have fallen since; and we find no

ground to hope, that the farther raising the prohibition to ships of 40 tun, as is done by this bill, will be effectual; but, we think, there is reason to fear that it may be a great preju dice to the coasting-trade in particular, since the owners of such vessels are thereby subjected to the heavy penalty of losing their ships, when possibly they may be entirely innocent themselves, and the fault may be committed only through the folly or knavery of the sailors, which will discourage the lending small vessels to those who trade in them, by which a great part of the coast-trade is at present carried on.

"3. Because the penalty of banishment in the bill seems, in some cases, to be annexed to a very small offence: we do not think it too great for any one who shall be taken with goods of any considerable value, and with a manifest intent to defraud his majesty of his customs; but as the bill is worded, it will, as we conceive, extend to any gentleman, if armed, returning from his travels, who has about him knowingly the least trifle that has not been entered and paid dury, though he has not the least design to defraud the king of his customs, or thinks he is transgressing any law whatsoever; and we do not think fit to depend, that so severe a law may not, in such hard cases, be sometimes executed with rigour.

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counties not named, when they can no longer be kept in the counties or places the bill ertends to; and, we conceive, laws should not make a distinction where there is no difference in reason, on a dependance that it may be supplied by a new law another opportunity.

"6. Because the time allowed by the bill |(viz. to the 25th of this instant March) either to dispose of the barges and other prohibited vessels, or obtain licences for the keeping, is much too short, as we conceive, and will prove the occasion of more hardships being done than can possibly be foreseen.- -Signed) Scarsdale, Montjoy, Bristol, Litchfield, Weston, Fra. Roffen', St. John de Bletsoe, Aberdeen, Foley, North and Grey, Guilford, Uxbridge, Craven, Boyle, Strafford, Compton, Bathurst, Cowper, Masham."

A New Standing Order concerning the entering Protests.] March 3. The Lords, according to order, proceeded to take into consideration the motion for making the Order, That such Lords as shall enter their Protestations with Reasons, shall do the same before two o'clock the next sitting day, and sign them before the House rises, a Standing Order of the House, and that the same be entered on the roll of Standing Orders, instead of the Order of the 5th of March, 1641.

Protest against it.] And the said Order being read, after debate, the question was put thereupon, and resolved in the affirmative.

"Dissentient'

"4. Because it was endeavoured, but without success, at the Committee, to have excepted the barges of noblemen and of the lord mayor and companies of the city of London, which cannot be supposed to be used (and the great barges of state belonging to the city cannot be used) in the running of goods; and 1. For that the Standing Order, in relation therefore, we conceive, the making it necessary to the time of entering Protestations, was made for the nobility, or the lord mayor and com- above 80 years since, and was restrictive of an panies to apply to the admiralty, for a licence ancient right; and yet in all that time, till to use their own barges on the river Thames, now, has never been thought not to have reor lay aside the use of them for want of such strained that right enough; but on the conlicences, which cannot be obtained with- trary, whenever longer time, than is allowed by out giving such a security as will bind and in-that Order, has been asked, as it has been done cumber the real estates of the obligers, to be in innumerable instances, it was never once not only a great and unnecessary indignity, but denied, as we believe; which shews that the also an invasion of property, especially in the constant opinion of this House has hitherto case of the barges belonging to the city of been, that the restraint brought upon that anLondon, which city has an ancient right to the cient right of the Lords, by that old Order, has conservation of the river Thames, and as high been rather too much than too little. an interest in it as is possible to be had in any navigable river; and therefore we think it absurd, as well as injurious to property, to compel the great officers and companies of that city to ask and give security for a licence to navigate or pass on that part of the Thames, which may not improperly be called their own river.

"5. It seems to us partial and unjust, that the prohibition of barges and other vessels described in the bill, should extend only to the Counties for that purpose named in the bill, and not to other maritime counties, especially such as are most infamous for running goods; where, though the vessels described may not as yet be so much in use as in the counties named, yet will undoubtedly be more used in other

2. "The abridging this right of protesting with reasons yet more, vill necessarily cause the reasons to be penned with less accuracy, and probably longer than they would have been, had more time been allowed; which, though it may gratify those who differ in opinion from the protesters, yet will burt the honour of the House, as we conceive, and the dignity of the records thereof; for we can by no means allow, that as much time should not be afforded to word the Lords' Reasons, which are to be entered on the Journals, as would be necessary to the wording of a pamphlet designed to be printed and published.

3. "Because we conceive, that if this farther restraint does not render the protesting quite impracticable, yet it must prove very in

commodious and troublesome to the Lords who would make use of that their undoubted right; for if a debate should take up any long time, as most debates of consequence should do, the intermediate time allowed is, in our opinion, not sufficient for Lords, who design to protest, to meet and bring their several reasons together, and afterwards express them with that clearness, and so unexceptionably as they ought to do; and besides, get them fairly and correctly entered upon the Journal: So that, in our opinion, they must very often be either excluded from entering and signing their Reasons, or endure a great deal of hardship and inconvenience, by denying themselves the usual rest and refreshments (as is very obvious without farther explanation) and be obliged to come long before their ordinary duty of attending the business of the House requires; so that, we conceive, this new restraint will either hinder protesting with Reasons, or amount to a kind of punishment on those Lords, who shall make use of their ancient and undoubted right of = protesting.

J

4. "There seems to us the less reason for this step, because if the liberty of entering Protestations with Reasons be in any degree abused, the House can, and does, order them, or such parts of them, as can be reasonably objected to, to be expunged; and this observation is yet stronger, for that of late precedents have been made of expunging a great number of Reasons, and of a various nature, by one general question; which is a very expeditious remedy for any abuse that can happen.

5. "If ever there should be a time, when the utmost candour and fairness is less in use than at present, this new restriction on the right of protesting with Reasons, may open a gap to many artifices and unfair practices in prejudice of that right; clerks may come later than usual, pretend other business, or write slower, or use other shifts to avoid perfecting the entry of the Reasons till after the time allowed, especially if they shall think, though falsely, they gratify a majority of the House by so doing, which will make them at least hope for impunity; or if not so disposed, they may be, on the other hand, induced (and not unreasonably) to write faster and more loosely than will become the Journal of this House, that the entry may be finished within the time limited. We do not pretend to enumerate all the ways of making this alteration of the old Standing Order more inconvenient than appears at first sight, but only specify these few.

6. "We do not think the right of entering Protestations with Reasons has been of late abused, so as to give occasion for this new restriction, though it may have been used of late more frequently than formerly; for which, according to our opinions, there hath been very proper occasions given; and since we cannot but think the right of protesting with reasons a valuable and useful privilege, we must confess our fears, lest these restrictions, though not now intended so, should end at length in a total VOL. VIL

extinction of that right.- -(Signed,) W. Ebor', Uxbridge, North and Grey, Boyle, Litchfield, St. John de Bletsoe, Strafford, Bathurst, Trevor, Aberdeen, Fr. Roffen', Fran. Cestriens', Cowper, Bristol, Foley, Weston."

test of the 19th of February, about the Navy Protest against expunging Part of the ProDebt. Then the Order was read for taking into consideration, the Protests entered on the Journal of this House, on the 19th and 20th in the Protest entered the 19th of February days of February last, and the several Reasons last, against putting off the farther considerations of the causes of contracting so large a Navy Debt, for three weeks, being read, it was proposed, "That from the word [specified] in the tenth line of the fourth Reason, to the end of the said Protest, [see p. 970] be expunged." And it being moved to adjourn, the question was put, Whether this House shall it was resolved in the negative. be now adjourned till Monday morning next?

is contained in the said Protest after the Word Then the question was put, Whether all that specified' in the tenth line of the fourth Reason, shall be expunged? It was resolved in the affirmative, by 45 against 18.

"Dissentient' "Because when we

were giving reasons against putting off the farther consideration of ments, probably for the whole session, as we the causes of the Navy-Debt by long adjournthought no reason could be more proper than that the subject-matter of that inquiry was not exhausted, but that very much material business remained to be considered on that head; so we did, and do yet conceive, that the following that general assertion, with an enumeration of the particular matters which yet did remain to be inquired into, as well such as arose from papers already before the House, as others which, we were well assured would arise in the designed to be called for) did make the said progress of that business (from papers general argument, which stands expunged, more strong, as well as more fair and candid, by shewing it was well founded upon particulars; and although the House has not thought fit to permit the said enumeration of particulars to stand on the Journal, yet, we conceive, we tered them, that it cannot be objected to us have attained this advantage, by having ennow, that we generally affirmed more business of consequence remained for that committee to do, without being able to instance or specify what in particular.- (Signed) W. Ebor', Ux

farther

bridge, Strafford, Aberdeen, Fr. Roffen', Fran. Cestrien', Bathurst, Litchfield, Foley, Cowper, North and Grey, Trevor, Boyle, Bristol, St. John de Bletsho." Protest against expunging the Protest of the 20th of Feb. relating to the National-Debt.] Then the Reason for the Protest entered the 20th of Feb. last, on consideration of the State of the National Debt, being read, after & R

Debate the question was put, whether the entire | to this Resolution; and therefore, to avoid re

Reason for the said Protest shall be expunged?
It was resolved in the affirmative.
"Dissentient'

petition we refer to those Reasons, with this farther, That we do not find, and believe there is not any precedent, wherein Reasons for Protestation have been taken into consideration by the House so long after they were entered, as in the present case; and the inconveniencies of doing so are, in our opinion, very manifest.(Signed,) Strafford, F. Roffen,

Boyle, North and Grey, St. John de Bletsho, Fran. Cestriens', Craven, Aber¬ deen, Uxbridge, Mountjoy, Cowper, Bathurst, Guilford, Litchfield, Foley." ing the Money Bill.] March 7. The King The Speaker's Speech to the King on presentwent to the House of Peers with the usual state and solemnity, and the Commons attending, their Speaker, upon presenting the MoneyBill, made the following Speech to his Majesty, viz,

"Most gracious Sovereign;

"Because, we conceive, there is no instance of expunging the Reasons of a Protest, unless they were thought to contain something indecent to the House, or alledged matters of fact that were false; the first is not presumed in this present case: and as to the second, the matter depending upon figures, there can be no dispute, but upon the method of calculation; and if the Lords who signed the Protest did choose to follow the method observed by the officers of the Exchequer, rather than any other, we do not conceive their Reasons, founded on such authority, deserved to be expunged; neither do we think the said Lords were obliged to make deductions from the Exchequer account, which was laid before the House, without making the proper additions at the same time; for it must be agreed, that if the Debt stated in 1717, was but 47,800,000l.; and in "This is the seventh year in which your ma the year 1720, above fifty millions, the bringing jesty's faithful Commons, without burthening the annuities into the South-Sea Company may your people with any new or unusual taxes, occasion an increase of about two millions and have readily and cheerfully granted to your a half; and the Army Debentures not yet majesty the necessary Supplies, not only for brought to account, are estimated at about carrying on the ordinary expences of the gohalf a million more; and the Debt of the Navyvernment, but for maintaining the honour and is near two millions; so the whole appears to be about fifty-five millions, and the increase of the National Debt (since it was stated in 1717) might therefore be reckoned about seven millions; and deducting the million of Exchequer-Bills lent to the South-Sea Company, the real increase of the National Debt, above what it was stated at in the year 1717, appears to us, at this time, about six millions: but as the Reasons were founded on the account laid before the House, which kept in the million of Exchequer-Bills as a Debt, and excluded all the other articles, we conceive they ought not to have been expunged, since the under-reckoning the Debt was not the objection made against them.(Signed) Fran. Cestriens', Bathurst, Foley, Cowper, Strafford, St. John de Bletsho, North and Grey, Litchfield, Boyle, Guilford, Fr. Roffen', Uxbridge, Weston, Aberdeen, Bristol, Trevor."

dignity of the crown; and, at the same time, they have omitted no opportunity of easing the public incumbrances, and of putting the National Debt into a method of payment; for no sooner had your majesty, by the vigilance of your councils, and the success of your arms, restored and secured the public peace and tranquillity, but your Commons immediately found means to reduce the Interest of the Na tional Debt, and thereby set apart a Fund, which, by a farther reduction of interest since made by your Commons, will, in a few years, be considerably increased, and the payment of the principal become practicable; and from which your majesty's trading subjects have already reaped this immediate benefit, that your Commons have been enabled, during this session, without endangering the security of any parliamentary engagements, to take off such duties as were found by experience to be most prejudicial to the trade and manufactures Protest against expunging the Protest of the of your kingdoms. And as your Commons 17th Jan. against the Quakers' Bill.] March were apprehensive, that the Debt of the Navy 5. The Order was read for taking into consi- timely prevented, necessarily affect and depre was rising to such an height, as would, if not deration the Protest entered in the Journal of ciate all other public credit, and which would the 17th of Jan. [See p. 946.] on rejecting the inevitably increase the charge and expence of Petition from the London Clergy against the the current service; they have therefore unQuakers' Bill; and the several Reasons for the animously agreed on such methods of discharg said Protest being read, after debate, the ques-ing so much of that Debt, as will effectually tion being put, that the entire Entry of the prevent the mischiefs they apprehend, and can Reasons, for the said Protest, be expunged; it be no ways burthensome to their fellowwas resolved in the affirmative, by 54 voices subjects. against 18.

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Thus have your Commons fully and happily completed every thing which your majesty was graciously pleased to recommend to them at the beginning of this session; and whenever your majesty, in your royal wisdom, shall again

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year, and the making a provision for the dis-
charge of so considerable a part of the Debt
of the Navy, is a farther proof of your affection
to me, and your regard for the public; and
doing it in a manner so little burthensome to
my people gives me the greatest satisfaction.
"My Lords and Gentlemen;

think it proper to meet your people in parliament, may they imitate your present House of Commons in our duty and affection to your majesty, in our steadiness and resolution to support your government; may they continue, with like application and diligence, to extend trade and commerce, the true and natural source of wealth and plenty in these kingdoms; and we should think ourselves happy, if even A bur mistakes might be of service to your maajesty, by being a warning to those that come after us and that when the wisdom of your majesty's councils, and the steadiness of your administration, shall have restored credit to its former flourishing condition, they may not grow wanton with too much prosperity, but may proceed with such caution and prudence in their endeavours to lessen the National Debt, as may put it out of the power of any set of men to produce misery and distress, from what shall be proposed for the ease and benefit of your people and that, by the blessing and assistance of Divine Providence, they may so effectually unite the affections of your people, and firmly establish your majesty's throne, That the Scepter may not depart from your Royal House, nor a Lawgiver from between · your Feet!' That the ancient legal constitution of this kingdom, in King, Lords and Commons, may be perpetuated in your majesty and your Royal Posterity, till time shall

be no more.

"Your majesty having been, at different times, in the course of this session, graciously pleased to accept such Supplies, as your Commons offered to your majesty for the Service of this year, they do now humbly pray your majesty's like gracious acceptance of a Bill they have prepared for discharging the Debt of the Navy, intitled, An Act for paying off and 'cancelling one Million of Exchequer Bills, • &c.""

The King's Speech at the Close of the Seventh and last Session of the Fifth Parliament of Great Britain.] After this, the King gave the royal assent to several public and private Bills. Then the Lord Chancellor, by his majesty's command, delivered the following Speech to both Houses:

"My Lords and Gentlemen;

"You could not have given me a more acceptable instance of your zeal and affection, than by dispatching, with so much unanimity, the several particulars I recommended to you at the beginning of this session, for the ease and advantage of my people.

"The many and great encouragements you have given to our trade and manufactures, and the provision you have made for our being supplied with naval stores from our own plantations, will, I make no doubt, excite the industry of my subjects, employ a greater number of the poor, increase our navigation, and be a considerable addition to the riches and strength of this nation.

"Gentlemen of the House of Commons; "The raising the current Supplies of the

"I cannot in justice part with this parliament, without returning you my sincerest thanks, for your steady and resolute adherence to my person and government, and to the interest of the Protestant Cause, both at home and abroad. The enemies of our happy constitution have given the strongest and most honourable testimony of your behaviour in these particulars, by the implacable malice which they have, upon all occasions, expressed against you.

"You must all be sensible, that they are, at this juncture reviving, with the greatest industry, the same wicked arts of calumny and defamation, which have been the constant preludes to public troubles and disorders; and such is their infatuation, that they flatter themselves the grossest misrepresentations will turn to their advantage, and give them an oppor tunity of recommending themselves to the favour and good opinion of my people; but I have so just a confidence in the affection of my subjects, and in their regard for their own welfare, that I am persuaded they will not suffer themselves to be thus imposed upon, and betrayed into their own destruction.

"For my part, as the preservation of the constitution in church and state shall always be my care, I am firmly determined to continue to countenance such as have manifested their zeal for the present establishment, and have the religious and civil rights of all my subjects truly at heart; and I question not but that behaviour, which has justly recommended them to me, will effectually secure to them the good will of all that are well affected to my that the expectations of those are very ill government; and will convince the world, grounded, who hope to prevail with a Protesliberties into the hands of such as are enemies tant free people, to give up their religion and

to both."

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