THE PEOPLE THE SOURCE OF ALL POWER.

Oft have I viewed, with silent pleasure and admiration, with what force and prevalence, through the United States, the supreme power resides in the people; and that they never part with it. It may be called the Panacea in politics. There can be no disorder in the community but may here receive a radical cure. If the error be in the legislature, it may be corrected by the constitution; if in the constitution, it may be corrected by the people. There is a remedy, therefore, for every distemper in government, if the people are not wanting to themselves; but for a people wanting to themselves, there is no remedy. From their power, as we have seen, there is no appeal; to their error, there is no superior principle of correction.

There are three simple species of government: Monarchy, where the supreme power is in a single person: Aristocracy, where the supreme power is in a select assembly, the members of which either fill up, by election, the vacancies in their own body, or succeed to their places in it by inheritance, property, or in respect of some personal right or qualification: a Republic or Democracy, where the people at large retain the supreme power, and act either collectively or by representation. Each of these species of government has its advantages and disadvantages.

The advantages of a Monarchy are strength, dispatch, secrecy, unity of counsel. Its disadvantages are tyranny, expense, ignorance of the situation and wants of the people, insecurity, unnecessary wars, evils attending elections or successions.

The advantages of Aristocracy are wisdom, arising from experience and education. Its disadvantages are dissensions among themselves, oppression to the lower orders.

The advantages of Democracy are liberty; equal, cautious, and salutary laws, public spirit, frugality, peace, opportunities of exciting and producing the abilities of the best citizens. Its disadvantages are dissensions, the delay and disclosure of public counsels, the imbecility of public measures, retarded by the necessity of a numerous consent.

A government may be composed of two or more of the simple forms above mentioned. Such is the British government. It would be an improper government for the United States, because it is inadequate to such an extent of territory,

and because it is suited to an establishment of different orders

of men.

What is the nature and kind of that government which has been proposed for the United States by the late convention? In its principle, it is purely democratical; but that principle is applied in different forms, in order to obtain the advantages, and exclude the inconveniences, of the simple modes of government.

If we take an extended and accurate view of it, we shall find the streams of power running in different directions, in different dimensions, and at different heights; watering, adorning, and fertilizing the fields and meadows through which their courses are led; but if we trace them, we shall discover that they all originally flow from one abundant fountain.

IN THIS CONSTITUTION all authority is derived from the PEOPLE.

THE ANTI-SLAVERY CHARACTER OF THE CONSTITUTION.

With respect to the clause1 restricting Congress from prohibiting the migration or importation of such persons as any of the States now existing shall think proper to admit, prior to the year 1808, the honorable gentleman says, that this clause is not only dark, but intended to grant to Congress, for that time, the power to admit the importation of slaves. No such thing was intended; but I will tell you what was done, and it gives me high pleasure that so much was done. Under the present confederation, the States may admit the importation of slaves as long as they please; but by this article, after the year 1808 the Congress will have power to prohibit such importation, notwithstanding the disposition of any State to the contrary. I consider this as laying the foundation for banishing slavery out of this country; and though the period is more distant than I could wish, yet it will produce the same kind, gradual change, which was pursued in Pennsylvania. It is with much satisfaction I view this power in the general government whereby they may lay an interdiction on this reproachful trade: but an immediate advantage is also obtained; for a tax or duty may be imposed on such importation, not exceeding ten dollars for each

Article I, Section IX. The migration or importation of such persons as any of the States now existing shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the Congress prior to the year one thousand eight hundred and eight; but a tax or duty may be imposed on such importation not exceeding ten dollars for each person.

person; and this, sir, operates as a partial prohibition: it was all that could be obtained. I am sorry it was no more, but from this I think there is reason to hope that yet a few years, and it will be prohibited altogether; and, in the mean time, THE NEW STATES WHICH ARE TO BE FORMED, WILL BE UNDER THE CONTROL OF CONGRESS IN THIS PARTICULAR, AND SLAVES WILL NEVER BE

INTRODUCED AMONGST THEM.

So far, therefore, as this clause operates, it presents us with the pleasing prospect that the rights of mankind will be acknowledged and established throughout the union.

If there was no other lovely feature in the constitution but this one, it would diffuse a beauty over its whole countenance. Yet the lapse of a few years, AND CONGRESS WILL HAVE POWER

TO EXTERMINATE SLAVERY FROM WITHIN OUR BORDERS.

GEORGE WASHINGTON, 1732-1799.

GEORGE WASHINGTON, the third son of Augustine Washington, and the first President of the United States, was born at Bridge's Creek, in the County of Westmoreland, Virginia, on the 22d of February, 1732, and died at Mount Vernon on the 14th of December, 1799. lowing are the chief incidents of his life :'

1

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Oct. 31.

EVENTS.

The fol

His birth, in Westmoreland County, Virginia.
Death of his father, at the age of 49 years.
His brother Lawrence obtained for him a midshipman's
warrant, in the British Navy.

Surveyor of Lord Fairfax's lands on the Potomac River.
Military Inspector, with the rank of Major, to protect
the frontiers of Virginia against the French and In-
dians.

He sailed for Barbadoes, with his brother Lawrence.
Adjutant-General.

Commissioner to the French on the Ohio.

I give not an extended biography for two reasons: first, to do any justice to the subject, it would occupy too much space; and second, the lives of Washington are so numerous as to be accessible to any one. Read lives by Marshall, Ramsey, Weems, Edmunds, Guizot (translated by Reeve), Headley, Irving, Bancroft, Sparks; also, an admirable book, entitled "Maxims of Washington-political, moral, social, and religious-collected and arranged by J. F. Schroeder, D. D.," 1 vol. 12mo. Consult, also, "North American Review," li. 169, xlvii. 318, xxxix. 467; "American Quarterly, xv. 275, xvii. 74; "Methodist Quarterly," ii. 38; also, read Eulogies by Hamilton, Jay, Ames, Mason, &c.

EVENTS.

Lieutenant-Colonel, for the defence of the colony of
Virginia.

Aid-de-camp to General Braddock, at the battle of
Monongahela.

Commander-in-chief of the Virginia forces.

He resigned his commission.

His marriage. Member of the Virginia House of Burgesses.

Commissioner for settling the military accounts of the
colony.

His tour to the Ohio and Great Kenawha Rivers.
Member of the Virginia Conventions, on the points at
issue between Great Britain and the Colonies.
Member of the first Continental Congress.

Member of the second Continental Congress.
Commander-in-chief.

Commander of the army at Cambridge.
Boston evacuated by the British army.
Declaration of American Independence.
Battle of Long Island.

Battle of Trenton.

Congress invested him with dictatorial powers.
Battle of Princeton.

Battle of the Brandywine.

1755

1758

1759

1765

1770

38

1774

42

1774

42

22

July 9.

23

26

1775

43

Stony Point taken.

Battle of Germantown.

Battle of Monmouth.

Arnold's treason.

Mutiny of the Pennsylvania troops.

Surrender of Yorktown and Gloucester.

His farewell to the army.

New York evacuated by the British army.
He resigned his commission.

His tour to the Western Country.

May 14. Delegate to the General Convention at Philadelphia, to

form a Constitution.

President of the Convention.

President of the United States.

His inauguration, at New York.

Death of his mother, at the age of 82 years.
His tour through the Eastern States.
His tour through the Southern States.

Mar. 4. President, for a second term.

Sept. 17.

M. Genet, Minister from France to the United States.
His Farewell Address to the People of the United States.
He retired to private life. Difficulties with France.
Preparations for war.

Commander-in-chief of the Armies of the United States.
His death, at Mount Vernon.

VALEDICTORY COUNSELS OF WASHINGTON.

There is an opinion that parties, in free countries, are useful checks upon the administration of the government, and serve to keep alive the spirit of liberty. This, within certain limits, is probably true; and in governments of a monarchical cast, patriotism may look with indulgence, if not with favor, upon the spirit of party; but in those of the popular character, in governments purely elective, it is a spirit not to be encouraged. From their natural tendency, it is certain there will always be

enough of that spirit for every salutary purpose; and there being constant danger of excess, the effort ought to be, by force of public opinion, to mitigate and assuage it. A fire not to be quenched, it demands a uniform vigilance to prevent its bursting into a flame, lest, instead of warming, it should con

sume.

Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political prosperity, religion and morality are indispensable supports. In vain would that man claim the tribute of patriotism who should labor to subvert these great pillars of human happiness, these firmest props of the destinies of men and citizens. The mere politician, equally with the pious man, ought to respect and cherish them. A volume could not trace all their connections with private and public felicity. Let it simply be asked, Where is the security for property, for reputation, for life, if the sense of religious obligation desert the oaths which are the instruments of investigation in courts of justice? And let us with caution indulge the supposition that morality can be maintained without religion. Whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined education on minds of peculiar structure, reason and experience both forbid us to expect that national morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principles.

It is substantially true that virtue or morality is a necessary spring of popular government. The rule, indeed, extends with more or less force to every species of free government. Who, that is a sincere friend to it, can look with indifference upon attempts to shake the foundation of the fabric?

Promote, then, as an object of primary importance, institutions for the general diffusion of knowledge. In proportion as the structure of a government gives force to public opinion, it is essential that public opinion should be enlightened.

Observe good faith and justice towards all nations; cultivate peace and harmony with all; religion and morality enjoin this conduct; and can it be that good policy does not equally enjoin it? It would be worthy of a free, enlightened, and, at no distant period, a great nation, to give to mankind the magnanimous and too novel example of a people always guided by an exalted justice and benevolence. Who can doubt that, in the course of time and things, the fruits of such a plan would richly repay any temporary advantages which might be lost by a steady adherence to it? Can it be that Providence has not connected the permanent felicity of a nation with its virtue? The experiment at least is recommended by every sentiment which ennobles human nature. Alas! is it rendered impossible by its vices?