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However, I admit that if the South had seceded from mere caprice, there would have been much to condemn in her conduct, as she would have been guilty of a treason to the memory of her own greatest citizens. I think that she ought to be able to show cause why the destruction of Washington's work should not be considered in the light of a neglect of Washington's principles. If the onus probandi of the justifiableness of the war rests upon the North, that of the justifiableness of the secession may be held by those Americans who have had any love for their Union, to rest upon the South.

Let us see what she can find to say for herself.

the days of the Convention and of England in those of the Cabal. But whatever be the case with the ex-Secretary of the Treasury, Mr Seward cannot avoid criticism by throwing the blame upon the circumstances under which he lives. The facts in his biography which have been alluded to, taken in connection with the shameful episode of "Old Whitey," and the celebrated curry-comb, which is not saved from being disgraceful by being ludicrous, combine to make up a picture which is more remarkable than attractive. If Juvenal or Pope were to reappear in America at the present day, Mr Seward might have a chance of immortality.

CHAPTER II.

THE NORTH AND THE SOUTH-PRESIDENTIAL

ELECTIONS.

To answer the question about what the South can say for herself, what excuse she can give for causing the disruption of a great federation, which has been looked upon by so many persons, not only in America but in Europe, as the grand experiment of freedom, it is necessary to look a little into its history.

The very first thing, I suppose, that a glance at its history shows, is that the opposition between South and North has existed from the beginning. At the convention which framed the Federal Constitution, among the various antagonisms of the different States which were pointed out, this one was distinguished as the most important of all. Slavery had nothing to do with it, for at that time nearly all the Northern States had slaves as much as the Southern ones had. Yet even then the character of the two sections dif

fered, as might have been expected in the descendants of Cavaliers and the descendants of Puritans; and their interests were as much opposed to one another, to use the words of a speaker in that convention, as those of Russia and Turkey. Unfortunately, the system of government which the Convention adopted as the basis of the Federal Constitution was such as tended directly to aggravate the opposition.

I suppose the ablest of the great band of statesmen who presided over the formation of the American commonwealth was Alexander Hamilton, Scotchman by descent, West Indian by birth, New Yorker by residence. There was no more ardent supporter of American independence than he, no more daring soldier, and no more earnest politician. Yet though he was the most trusted confidant of the Republican leader Washington, and though he was the leader of the band which first made its way over our intrenchments at Yorktown, he was a warm admirer of England and her institutions. I believe that nothing would have pleased him better than to have adopted our Constitution bodily-King, House of Lords and all. This, however, was out of the question, considering the state of feeling in America; and he proposed, as the next best thing, first a President for life, and then, as that would not do, a President for

ten years. Had either of these suggestions been adopted, the antagonism I have mentioned might have been kept under. A perpetual President, and in a less degree, one for a long term, would have had a direct interest in preventing the opposing sections from coming into direct collision with one another. A President for four years-for that was the term which, in spite of the counsels of Hamilton, in spite of the recommendation of its own committee, the Convention fixed upon-has no such interest. The frequency of presidential elections has the effect of keeping the community in a constant state of turmoil and agitation. As a result of this, agitation becomes a trade, and the President comes in hampered with pledges and promises, which he has to swallow by the hundred in order to obtain the votes of his party. His short term of office does not give him time to work these off, and have leisure for governing for a few years, so as to promote the general welfare, even if he does not do his best to make things worse by intriguing with either faction, with the object of securing his own re-election.

It becomes a matter of importance to inquire to whom the pledges and promises which are forced upon the expectant President are given. The answer to this question reveals what is perhaps the most powerful of all the causes which have caused the fall of

the Great Republic. I need not describe how American elections are got up. If they were directly the work of the people it would be bad enough. The great interests of the South and the North were so strongly opposed to one another, and their distinctly marked geographical separation afforded so little chance of rubbing down asperities by constant contact, that there could be but slight hopes of anything like a permanent compromise between their representatives being attained or allowed; and universal suffrage, whatever be its other merits, does not tend to the election of the best men, but rather to that of the most fluent echoers of the cry of the hour. But, bad as this system may be held to be, the one which actually prevailed was worse. The real electors were not the people, but a class of professional agitators. It is difficult at first to believe in the enormous power of which this class grew into the possession; and nothing short of the most striking evidence would make it at all credible. Unfortunately, however, such evidence exists. These men are not statesmen, and have never pretended to be; they simply look on politics as a means of making money. This is the way they go to work.

Some little time before the presidential election comes on, the agitators of each party meet in conclave for the purpose of selecting their man. In the selec

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