primitive church, a voluntary and open confession prepared the work of atonement. In the middle ages, the bishops and priests interrogated the criminal; compelled him to account for his thoughts, words, and actions; and prescribed the terms of his reconciliation with God. But as this discre dred years, or twelve hundred pounds, was enough to impoverish a plentiful fortune; the scarcity of gold and silver was supplied by the alienation of land; and the princely donations of Pepin and Charlemagne are expressly given for the remedy of their soul. It is a maxim of the civil law, that whosoever cannot pay with his purse, must pay with his body; and the practice of flagellation was adopted by the monks, a cheap, though painful, equivalent. By a fantastic arithmetic, a year of penance was taxed at three thousand lashes; and such was the skill and patience of a famous hermit, St. Dominic of the iron cuirass, that in six days he could discharge an entire century, by a whipping of three hundred thousand stripes. His example was followed by many penitents of both sexes; and, as a vicarious sacrifice was accepted, a sturdy disciplinarian might expiate on his own back the sins of his benefactors. These compensations of the purse and the person introduced, in the eleventh century, a more honourable mode of satisfaction. The merit of military service against the Saracens of Africa and Spain, had been allowed by the predecessors of Urban the second. In the council of Clermont, that pope proclaimed a plenary indulgence to those who should enlist under the banner of the cross; the absolution of all their sins, and a full receipt for all that might be due of canonical penance. The cold philosophy of modern times is incapable of feeling the impression that was made on a sinful and fanatic world. At the voice of their pastor, the robber, the incendiary, the homicide, arose by thousands to redeem their souls, by repeating on the infidels the same deeds which they had exercised against their christian brethren; and the terms of atonement were eagerly embraced by offenders of every rank and denomination. None were pure; none were exempt from the guilt and penalty of sin; and those who were the least amenable to the justice of God and the church, were the best entitled to the temporal and eternal recompense of their pious courage. If they fell, the spirit of the Latin clergy did not hesitate to adorn their tomb with the crown of martyrdom; and should they survive, they could expect without impatience the delay and increase of their heavenly reward. They offered their blood to the Son of God, who had laid down his life for their salvation: they took up the cross, and entered with confidence into the way of the Lord. His pro tionary power might alternately be abused by indulgence and tyranny, a rule of discipline was framed, to inform and regulate the spiritual judges. This mode of legislation was invented by the Greeks; their penitentials were translated, or imitated, in the Latin church; and, in the time of Charlemagne, the clergy of every diocese were provided with a code, which they prudently concealed from the knowledge of the vulgar. In this dangerous estimate of crimes and punishments, each case was supposed, each difference was remarked, by the experience or penetration of the monks; some sins are enumerated which innocence could not have suspected, and others which reason cannot believe; and the more ordinary offences of fornication and adultery, of perjury and sacrilege, of rapine and murder, were expiated by a penance, which, according to the various circumstances, was prolonged from forty days to seven years. During this term of mortification, the patient was healed, the criminal was absolved, by a salutary regimen of fasts and prayers the disorder of his dress was expressive of grief and remorse; and he humbly abstained from all the business and pleasure of social life. But the rigid execution of these laws would have depopulated the palace, the camp, and the city; the barbarians of the west believed and trembled; but nature often rebelled against principle; and the magistrate laboured without effect to enforce the jurisdiction of the priest. A literal accomplishment of penance was indeed impracticable; the guilt of adultery was nultiplied by daily repetition; that of homicide might involve the massacre of a whole people; each act was separately numbered; and, in those times of anarchy and vice, a modest sinner might easily incur a debt of three hundred years. His insolvency was relieved by a commutation, or indulgence; a year of penance was appreciated at twenty-six solidia of silver, about four pounds sterling, for the rich; at three solidi, or nine shillings, for the indigent: and these alms were soon appropriated to the use of the church, which derived, from the redemption of sins, an inexhaustible source of opulence and dominion. A debt of three hun-vidence would watch over their safety; perhaps his Ixviii. p. 709-758.) and by M. Chais, (Lettres sur les Jubiles et les Indulgences, tom. ii. lettres 21 et 22. p. 471-556.) with this difference, that the abuses of superstition are mildly, perhaps faintly, exposed by the learned Italian, and peevishly magnified by the Dutch mi nister. z Schmidt (Histoire des Allemands, tom. ii. p. 211-220. 452-462.) gives an abstract of the Penitential of Rhegino in the ninth, and of Burchard in the tenth, century. In one year, five and thirty murders were perpetrated at Worms. a Till the twelfth century, we may support the clear account of 12 denarii, or pence, to the solidus, or shilling; and 20 solidi to the pound weight of silver, about the pound sterling. Our money is diminished to a third, and the French to a fiftieth, of this primitive standard. b Each century of lashes was sanctified with the recital of a psalm; and the whole Psalter, with the accompaniment of 15,000 stripes, was equivalent to five years. e The Life and Achievements of St. Dominic Loricatus was com f posed by his friend and admirer, Peter Damianus. See Fleury, Hist. Eccles. tom. xiii. p. 99-104. Baronius, A. D. 1056. No. 7. who ob serves from Damianus, how fashionable, even among ladies of quality, (sublimis generis) this expiation (purgatorii genus) was grown. and possibly not a more dishonest, workman. I remember in Père Le dAt a quarter or even half a rial a lash, Sancho Panza was a cheaper, bat (Voyages en Italie, tom. vii. p. 16-29.) a very lively picture of the dexterity of one of these artists. e Quicunque pro solâ devotione, non pro honoris vel pecuniæ adeptione, ad liberandam ecclesiam Dei Jerusalem profectus fuerit, iter illud pro omni pœnitentiâ reputetur. Canon. Concil. Claromont. ii. p. philosophical on the subject. 829. Guibert styles it novum salutis genus, (p. 741.) and is almost 477.) f Such at least was the belief of the crusaders, and such is the uni form style of the historians; (Esprit des Croisades, tom. iii. p. but the prayer for the repose of their souls is inconsistent in orthodox theology with the merits of martyrdom. 2 carnal motives. visible and miraculous power would smooth the difficulties of their holy enterprise. The cloud and pillar of Jehovah had marched before the Israelites into the promised land. Might not the christians more reasonably hope that the rivers would open for their passage; that the walls of the strongest cities would fall at the sound of their trumpets; and that the sun would be arrested in his mid career, to allow them time for the destruction of the infidels? Temporal and Of the chiefs and soldiers who marched to the holy sepulchre, I will dare to affirm, that all were prompted by the spirit of enthusiasm; the belief of merit, the hope of reward, and the assurance of divine aid. But I am equally persuaded, that in many it was not the sole, that in some it was not the leading, principle of action. The use and abuse of religion are feeble to stem, they are strong and irresistible to impel, the stream of national manners. Against the private wars of the barbarians, their bloody tournaments, licentious loves, and judicial duels, the popes and synods might ineffectually thunder. It is a more easy task to provoke the metaphysical disputes of the Greeks, to drive into the cloister the victims of anarchy or despotism, to sanctify the patience of slaves and cowards, or to assume the merit of the humanity and benevolence of modern christians. War and exercise were the reigning passions of the Franks or Latins; they were enjoined, as a penance, to gratify those passions, to visit distant lands, and to draw their swords against the nations of the east. Their victory, or even their attempt, would immortalize the names of the intrepid heroes of the cross; and purest piety could not be insensible to the most splendid prospect of military glory. In the petty <quarrels of Europe, they shed the blood of their friends and countrymeu, for the acquisition perhaps of a castle or a village. They could march with alacrity against the distant and hostile nations who were devoted to their arms: their fancy already grasped the golden sceptres of Asia; and the conquest of Apulia and Sicily by the Normans might exalt to royalty the hopes of the most private adventurer. Christendom, in her rudest state, must have yielded to the climate and cultivation of the Mahometan countries; and their natural and artificial wealth had been magnified by the tales of pilgrims, and the gifts of an imperfect commerce. The vulgar, both the great and small, were taught to believe every wonder, of lands flowing with milk and honey, of mines and treasures, of gold and diamonds, of palaces of marble and jasper, and of odoriferous groves of cinnamon and frankincense. In this earthly paradise, each warrior depended on his sword to carve a plenteous and honourable establishment, which he measured only by the extent of his wishes. Their vassals and soldiers trusted *The same hopes were displayed in the letters of the adventurers ad animandos qui in Francia residerant. Huge de Reiteste could boast, that his share amounted to one abbey and ten castles, of the yearly the conquest of Aleppo. (Guibert, p. 554, 555.) Value of 1500 marks, and that he should acquire an hundred castles by of Flanders, Alexius mingles with the danger of the church, and the relics of saints, the auri 1 the their fortunes to God and their master: the spoils of a Turkish emir might enrich the meanest follower of the camp; and the flavour of the wines, the beauty of the Grecian women," were temptations more adapted to the nature, than to the profession, of the champions of the cross. The love of freedom was a powerful incitement to the multitudes who were oppressed by feudal or ecclesiastical tyranny. Under this holy sign, the peasants and burghers, who were attached to the servitude of the glebe, might escape from a haughty lord, and transplant themselves and their families to a land of liberty. The monk might release himself from the discipline of his convent: the debtor might suspend the accumulation of usury, and the pursuit of his creditors; and outlaws and malefactors of every cast might continue to brave the laws and elude the punishment of their crimes.i Influence of example. These motives were potent and numerous when we have singly computed their weight on the mind of each individual, we must add the infinite series, the multiplying powers, of example and fashion. The first proselytes became the warmest and most effectual missionaries of the cross: among their friends and countrymen they preached the duty, the merit, and the recompence, of their holy vow; and the most reluctant hearers were insensibly drawn within the whirlpool of persuasion and authority. The martial youths were fired by the reproach or suspicion of cowardice; the opportunity of visiting with an army the sepulchre of Christ, was embraced by the old and infirm, by women and children, who consulted rather their zeal than their strength; and those who in the evening had derided the folly of their companions, were the most eager, the ensuing day, to tread in their footsteps. The ignorance which magnified the hopes, diminished the perils, of the enterprise. Since the Turkish conquest, the paths of pilgrimage were obliterated; the chiefs themselves had an imperfect notion of the length of the way and the state of their enemies; and such was the stupidity of the people, that, at the sight of the first city or castle beyond the limits of their knowledge, they were ready to ask whether that was not the Jerusalem, the term and object of their labours. Yet the more prudent of the crusaders, who were not sure that they should be fed from heaven with a shower of quails or manna, provided themselves with those precious metals, which, in every country, are the representatives of every commodity. To defray, according to their rank, the expenses of the road, princes alienated their provinces, nobles their land and castles, peasants their cattle and the instruments of husbandry. The value of property was depreciated by the eager competition of multitudes; while the price of arms and horses et argenti amor, and pulcherrimarum fœminarum voluptas; (p. 476.) as if, says the indignant Guibert, the Greek women were handsomer than i See the privileges of the Crucesignati, freedom from debt, usury, injury, secular justice, &c. The pope was their perpetual guardian. (Ducauge, tom. ii. p. 651, 652.) those of France. was raised to an exorbitant height by the wants and impatience of the buyers. Those who remained at home, with sense and money, were enriched by the epidemical disease: the sovereigns acquired at a cheap rate the domains of their vassals; and the ecclesiastical purchasers completed the payment by the assurance of their prayers. The cross, which was commonly sewed on the garment, in cloth or silk, was inscribed by some zealots on their skin: a hot iron, or indelible liquor, was applied to perpetuate the mark; and a crafty monk, who showed the miraculous impression on his breast, was repaid with the popular veneration and the richest benefices of Palestine.' Departure of the first crusaders, A. D. 1096. warfare was against the Jews, the murderers of the Son of God. In the trading cities of the Moselle and the Rhine their colonies were numerous and rich; and they enjoyed, under the protection of the emperor and the bishops, the free exercise of their religion." At Verdun, Treves, Mentz, Spires, Worms, many thousands of that unhappy people were pillaged and massacred: nor had they felt a more bloody stroke since the persecution of Hadrian. A remnant was saved by the firmness of their bishops, who accepted a feigned and transient conversion; but the more obstinate Jews opposed their fanaticism to the fanaticism of the christians, barricadoed their houses, and precipitating themselves. their families, and their wealth, into the rivers or the flames, disappointed the malice, or at least the avarice, of their implacable foes. P A. D. 1096. Between the frontiers of Austria and The destruction in Hungary and the seat of the Byzantine monarchy, Asia, the crusaders were compelled to traverse an interval of six hundred miles; the wild and desolate countries of Hungary and Bulgaria. The soil is fruitful, and intersected with rivers; but it was then covered with morasses and forests, which spread to a boundless extent, whenever man has ceased to exercise his dominion over the earth. Both nations had imbibed the rudiments of christianity; the Hungarians were ruled by their native princes; the Bulgarians by a lieutenant of the Greek emperor; but on the slightest provocation, their ferocious nature was rekindled, and ample provocation was afforded by the disorders of the first pilgrims. Agriculture must have been unskilful and The fifteenth of August had been fixed in the council of Clermont for March, May, &c. the departure of the pilgrims: but the day was anticipated by the thoughtless and needy crowd of plebeians; and I shall briefly despatch the calamities which they inflicted and suffered, before I enter on the more serious and successful enterprise of the chiefs. Early in the spring, from the confines of France and Lorraine, above sixty thousand of the populace of both sexes flocked round the first missionary of the crusade, and pressed him with clamorous importunity to lead them to the holy sepulchre. The hermit, assuming the character, without the talents or authority, of a general, impelled or obeyed the forward impulse of his votaries along the banks of the Rhine and Danube. Their wants and numbers soon compelled them to separate, and his lieutenant, Walter the penny less, a valiant though needy soldier, conducted a vanguard of pilgrims, whose condition may be deter-languid among a people, whose cities were built of mined from the proportion of eight horsemen to fifteen thousand foot. The example and footsteps of Peter were closely pursued by another fanatic, the monk Godescal, whose sermons had swept awayed, forcibly seized, and greedily consumed; and on the first quarrel, the crusaders gave a loose to indigfifteen or twenty thousand peasants from the villages of Germany. Their rear was again pressed by nation and revenge. But their ignorance of the a herd of two hundred thousand, the most stupid country, of war, and of discipline exposed them to every snare. The Greek præfect of Bulgaria comand savage refuse of the people, who mingled with their devotion a brutal licence of rapine, prostitu-manded a regular force; at the trumpet of the Huntion, and drunkenness. Some counts and gentle-garian king, the eighth or the tenth of his martial men, at the head of three thousand horse, attended the motions of the multitude to partake in the spoil; but their genuine leaders (may we credit such folly?) were a goose and a goat, who were carried in the front, and to whom these worthy christians ascribed an infusion of the divine spirit. Of these and of other bands of enthusiasts, the first and most easy k Guibert (p. 481.) paints in lively colours this general emotion. He was one of the few contemporaries who had genius enough to feel the astonishing scenes that were passing before their eyes. Erat itaque videre miraculum caro omnes emere, atque vili vendere, &c. 1 Some instances of these stigmata are given in the Esprit des Croisades (tom. iii. p. 169, &c.) from authors whom I have not seen. m Fuit et aliud scelus detestabile in hac congregatione pedestris populi stulti et vesanæ levitatis, anserem quendam divino spiritû assere. bant afflatum, et capellam non minus eodem repletam, et has sibi duces secundæ viæ fecerant, &c. (Albert. Aquensis, 1. i. c. 31. p. 196) Had these peasants founded an empire, they might have introduced, as in Egypt, the worship of animals, which their philosophic descendants would have glossed over with some specious and subtle allegory. n Benjamin of Tudela describes the state of his Jewish brethren from Cologne along the Rhine: they were rich, generous, learned, hospitable, and lived in the eager hope of the Messiah. (Voyage, tom. i. p. 243–245. reeds and timber, which were deserted in the summer season for the tents of hunters and shepherds. A scanty supply of provisions was rudely demand subjects bent their bows and mounted on horseback: their policy was insidious, and their retaliation on these pious robbers was unrelenting and bloody. About a third of the naked fugitives, and the hermit Peter was of the number, escaped to the Thra cian mountains: and the emperor, who respected the pilgrimage and succour of the Latins, conducted par Baratier.) In seventy years (he wrote about A. D. 1170.) they had recovered from these massacres. These massacres and depredations on the Jews, which were re newed at each crusade, are coolly related. It is true, that St. Bernard, (epist. 363. tom. i. p. 329.) admonishes the oriental Franks, non st persequendi Judæi, non sunt trucidandi. The contrary doctrine had been preached by a rival monk. Katona, See the contemporary description of Hungary in Otho of Frisingen, 1. ii. c. 31. in Muratori, Script. Rerum Italicarum, tom. vi. p. 665, 00 The old Hungarians, without excepting Turotzius, are ill informes of the first crusade, which they involve in a single passage. like ourselves, can only quote the writers of France; but he compares with local science the ancient aud modern geography. Ante por Cyperon, is Sopron or Poson; Malevilla, Zemlin; Fluvius Marce, Savus; Lintax, Leith; Mesebroch, or Narseburga, Ouar, or Moon; Tollenburg, Pragg, (de Regibus Hungariæ, tom. iii. p. 19-53) 4. them by secure and easy journeys to Constantinople, and advised them to await the arrival of their brethren. For a while they remembered their faults and losses; but no sooner were they revived by the hospitable entertainment, than their venom was again inflamed; they stung their benefactor, and neither gardens, nor palaces, nor churches, were safe from their depredations. For his own safety, Alexius allured them to pass over to the Asiatic side of the Bosphorus; but their blind impetuosity soon urged them to desert the station which he had assigned, and to rush headlong against the Turks, who occupied the road of Jerusalem. The hermit, conscious of his shame, had withdrawn from the camp to Constantinople: and his lieutenant, Walter the Pennyless, who was worthy of a better command, attempted without success to introduce some order and prudence among the herd of savages. They separated in quest of prey, and themselves fell an easy prey to the arts of the sultan. By a rumour that their foremost companions were rioting in the spoils of his capital, Soliman tempted the main body to descend into the plain of Nice; they were overwhelmed by the Turkish arrows; and a pyramid of bones informed their companions of the place of their defeat. Of the first crusaders; three hundred thousand had already perished, before a single city was rescued from the infidels, before their graver and more noble brethren had completed the preparations of their enterprise. The chiefs of the first crusade. t Bouillon. domestic war against the Moors; and the northern monarchs of Scotland, Denmark, Sweden, and Poland, were yet strangers to the passions and interests of the south. The religious ardour was more strongly felt by the princes of the second order, who held an important place in the feudal system. Their situation will naturally cast under four distinct heads the review of their names and characters; but I may escape some needless repetition, by observing at once, that courage and the exercise of arms are the common attribute of these christian adventurers. I. The first rank 1. Godfrey of both in war and council is justly due to Godfrey of Bouillon; and happy would it have been for the crusaders, if they had trusted themselves to the sole conduct of that accomplished hero, a worthy representative of Charlemagne, from whom he was descended in the female line. His father was of the noble race of the counts of Boulogne: Brabant, the lower province of Lorraine," was the inheritance of his mother; and by the emperor's bounty, he was himself invested with that ducal title, which has been improperly transferred to his lordship of Bouillon in the Ardennes. In the service of Henry the fourth, he bore the great standard of the empire, and pierced with his lance the breast of Rodolph the rebel king: Godfrey was the first who ascended the walls of Rome; and his sickness, his vow, perhaps his remorse for bearing arms against the pope, confirmed an early resolution of visiting the holy sepulchre, not as a pilgrim, but a deliverer. His valour was matured by prudence and moderation; his piety, though blind, was sincere; and, in the tumult of a camp, he practised the real and fictitious virtues of a convent. Superior to the private factions of the chiefs, he reserved his enmity for the enemies of Christ; and though he siege of Nice, such were used by the Franks themselves as the materials of a wall. None of the great sovereigns of Europe embarked their persons in the first crusade. The emperor Henry the fourth was not disposed to obey the summons of the pope; Philip the first of France was occupied by his pleasures; William Rufus of England by a recent conquest; the kings of Spain were engaged in a Anna Comnena (Alexias, 1. x. p. 287.) describes this osewv Kovos as a mountain ύψηλον και βάθος και πλάτος αξιολογώτατον. In the To save time and space, I shall represent, in a short table, the particular references to the great events of the first crusade. The author of the Esprit des Croisades has doubted, and might have disbelieved, the crusade and tragic death of prince Sueno, with 1500 or 15,000 Danes, who was cut off by sultan Soliman in Cappadocia, but who still lives in the poem of Tasso, (tom. iv. p. 111–115.) The fragments of the kingdoms of Lotharingia, or Lorraine, were broken into the two duchies, of the Moselle, and of the Meuse; the l.vii. c.1-25. 1.viii.c.1-24. first has preserved its name, which in the latter has been changed into that of Brabant. (Vales. Notit. Gall. p. 283-288.) x See, in the Description of France, by the Abbé de Longuerue, the articles of Boulogne, part i. p. 54. Brabant. part ii. p. 47, 48. Bouillon, p. 134. On his departure, Godfrey sold or pawned Bouillon to the church for 1300 marks. of Normandy, gained a kingdom by the attempt, his pure and dis- office of their president. These four were the prininterested zeal was acknowledged by his rivals. cipal leaders of the French, the Normans, and the Godfrey of Bouillon' was accompanied by his two pilgrims of the British isles: but the list of the brothers, by Eustace the elder, who had succeeded barons, who were possessed of three or four towns, to the county of Boulogne, and by the younger, would exceed, says a contemporary, the catalogue Baldwin, a character of more ambiguous virtue. of the Trojan war. III. In the south III. Raymond of The duke of Lorraine was alike celebrated on either of France, the command was assumed Thoulouse. side of the Rhine; from his birth and education, he by Adhemar, bishop of Puy, the pope's legate, and was equally conversant with the French and Teu- | by Raymond, count of St. Giles and Thoulouse, who tonic languages: the barons of France, Germany, added the prouder titles of duke of Narbonne and and Lorraine, assembled their vassals; and the con- marquis of Provence. The former was a respectable federate force that marched under his banner was prelate, alike qualified for this world and the next. composed of fourscore thousand foot and about ten The latter was a veteran warrior, who had fought thousand horse. II. In the parliament against the Saracens of Spain, and who conseII. Hugh of Vermandois, Robert that was held at Paris, in the king's crated his declining age, not only to the deliverance, Robert of Fian. presence, about two months after the but to the perpetual service, of the holy sepulchre. ders, Stephen of council of Clermont, Hugh, count of His experience and riches gave him a strong ascenChartres, &c. Vermandois, was the most conspicuous dant in the christian camp, whose distress he was of the princes who assumed the cross. But the often able, and sometimes willing, to relieve. But appellation of the Great was applied, not so much it was easier for him to extort the praise of the to his merit or possessions, (though neither were infidels, than to preserve the love of his subjects contemptible,) as to the royal birth of the brother of and associates. His eminent qualities were clouded the king of France. Robert, duke of Normandy, by a temper, haughty, envious, and obstinate; and, was the eldest son of William the Conqueror; but though he resigned an ample patrimony for the on his father's death he was deprived of the king- cause of God, his piety, in the public opinion, was dom of England, by his own indolence and the not exempt from avarice and ambition. A meractivity of his brother Rufus. The worth of Robert cantile, rather than a martial, spirit prevailed was degraded by an excessive levity and easiness among his provincials, a common name, which of temper: his cheerfulness seduced him to the included the natives of Auvergne and Langueindulgence of pleasure; his profuse liberality im- doc, the vassals of the kingdom of Burgundy poverished the prince and people; his indiscriminate or Arles. From the adjacent frontier of Spain, clemency multiplied the number of offenders; and he drew a band of hardy adventurers; as he the amiable qualities of a private man became the marched through Lombardy, a crowd of Italians essential defects of a sovereign. For the trifling flocked to his standard, and his united force consum of ten thousand marks, he mortgaged Nor-sisted of one hundred thousand horse and foot. If mandy during his absence to the English usurper; but his engagement and behaviour in the holy war announced in Robert a reformation of manners, and restored him in some degree to the public esteem. Another Robert was count of Flanders, a royal province, which, in this century, gave three queens to the thrones of France, England, and Denmark: he was surnamed the Sword and Lance of the chris-him to the principality of Tarentum, and the rememtians; but in the exploits of a soldier, he sometimes forgot the duties of a general. Stephen, count of Chartres, of Blois, and of Troyes, was one of the richest princes of the age; and the number of his castles has been compared to the three hundred and sixty-five days of the year. His mind was improved by literature; and, in the council of the chiefs, the eloquent Stephen was chosen to discharge the y See the family character of Godfrey, in William of Tyre, 1. ix. c. 5-8; his previous design in Guibert, (p. 845.) his sickness and vow, in Bernard Thesaur. (c. 78.) z Anna Comnena supposes, that Hugh was proud of his nobility, riches, and power, (1. x. p. 288.) the two last articles appear more equivocal; but an eyeveta, which seven hundred years ago was famous in the palace of Constantinople, attests the ancient dignity of the Capetian family of France. a Will. Gemeticensis, 1. vii. 7. p. 672, 673. in Camden. Normanicis. He pawned the duchy for one hundredth part of the present yearly revenue. Ten thousand marks may be equal to five hundred thousand livres, and Normandy annually yields fifty-seven millions to the king. (Necker, Administration des Finances, tom. i. p. 287.) b His original letter to his wife is inserted in the Spicilegium of Dom. Luc. d'Acheri, tom. iv. and quoted in the Esprit des Croisades, tom. i. p. 63. e Unius enim, duûm, trium seu quatuor oppidorum dominos quis Raymond was the first to enlist and the last to depart, the delay may be excused by the greatness of his preparation and the promise of an everlasting farewell. IV. The name of Bohe- IV. Bohemond mond, the son of Robert Guiscard, and Tancred. was already famous by his double victory over the Greek emperor: but his father's will had reduced brance of his eastern trophies, till he was awakened e Omnes de Burgundiâ, et Alvernia, et Vasconiâ, et Gothi, (of Lan guedoc,) provinciales appellabantur, cæteri vero Francigena et hoc in exercitu: inter hostes autem Franci dicebantur. Raymond des Agiles, p. 144. f The town of his birth, or first appanage, was consecrated to St. Ægidius, whose name, as early as the first crusade, was corrupted by the French into St. Gilles, or St. Giles. It is situate in the Lower Languedoc, between Nismes and the Rhône, and still boasts a collegiate church of the foundation of Raymond. (Melanges tirés d'une grande Bibliotheque, tom. xxxvii. p. 51.) |