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each other with fraternal hatred. They eagerly disputed the friendship, or rather the gifts, of the emperor; and the distinction which nature had fixed between the faithful dog and the rapacious wolf, was applied by an ambassador who received only verbal instructions from the mouth of his illiterate prince." The Bulgarians, of whatsoever species, were equally attracted by Roman wealth: they assumed a vague dominion over the Sclavonian name, and their rapid marches could only be stopped by the Baltic sea, or the extreme cold and poverty of the north. But the same race of Sclavonians appears to have maintained, in every age, the possession of the same countries. Their numerous tribes, however distant or adverse, used one common language, (it was harsh and irregular,) and were known by the resemblance of their form, which deviated from the swarthy Tartar, and approached without attaining the lofty stature and fair complexion of the German. Four thousand six hundred villages were scattered over the provinces of Russia and Poland, and their huts were hastily built of rough timber, in a country deficient both in stone and iron. Erected, or rather concealed, in the depth of forests, on the banks of rivers, or the edge of morasses, we may not perhaps, without flattery, compare them to the architecture of the beaver; which they resembled in a double issue, to the land and water, for the escape of the savage in

and the fortresses of Pannonia. But the spirit of rapine soon tempted them beyond these ample limits; they wandered along the coast of the Hadriatic as far as Dyrrachium, and presumed, with familiar rudeness, to enter the towns and houses of their Roman allies, and to seize the captives who had escaped from their audacious hands. These acts of hostility, the sallies, as it might be pretended, of some loose adventurers, were disowned by the❘ nation, and excused by the emperor; but the arms of the Lombards were more seriously engaged by a contest of thirty years, which was terminated only by the extirpation of the Gepida. The hostile nations often pleaded their cause before the throne of Constantinople; and the crafty Justinian, to whom the barbarians were almost equally odious, pronounced a partial and ambiguous sentence, and dexterously protracted the war by slow and ineffectual succours. Their strength was formidable, since the Lombards, who sent into the fields several myriads of soldiers, still claimed, as the weaker side, the protection of the Romans. Their spirit was intrepid; yet such is the uncertainty of courage, that the two armies were suddenly struck with a panic; they fled from each other, and the rival kings remained with their guards in the midst of an empty plain. A short truce was obtained; but their mutual resentment again kindled; and the remembrance of their shame rendered the next encounter more desperate and bloody. Forty thou-habitant, an animal less cleanly, less diligent, and sand of the barbarians perished in the decisive battle, which broke the power of the Gepidæ, transferred the fears and wishes of Justinian, and first displayed the character of Alboin, the youthful prince of the Lombards, and the future conqueror of Italy.

k

The Sclavonians.

n

less social, than that marvellous quadruped. The fertility of the soil, rather than the labour of the natives, supplied the rustic plenty of the Sclavonians. Their sheep and horned cattle were large and numerous, and the fields which they sowed with millet and panic," afforded, in the place of bread, a coarse and less nutritive food. The incessant rapine of their neighbours compelled them to bury this treasure in the earth; but on the ap

The wild people who dwelt or wandered in the plains of Russia, Lithuania, and Poland, might be reduced, in the age of Justinian, under the two great families of the BUL-pearance of a stranger, it was freely imparted by a GARIANS and the SCLAVONIANS. According to the Greek writers, the former, who touched the Euxine and the lake Mæotis, derived from the Huns their name or descent; and it is needless to renew the simple and well-known picture of Tartar manners. They were bold and dexterous archers, who drank the milk, and feasted on the flesh, of their fleet and indefatigable horses; whose flocks and herds followed, or rather guided, the motions of their roving camps; to whose inroads no country was remote or impervious, and who were practised in flight, though incapable of fear. The nation was divided into two powerful and hostile tribes, who pursued

k I have used, without undertaking to reconcile, the facts in Procopius, (Goth. 1. ii. c. 14. l. iii. c. 33, 34. 1. iv. c. 18. 25.) Paul Diaconus, (de Gestis Langobard. I. i. c. 1-23. in Muratori, Script. Rerum Italicarum, tom. i. p. 405-419.) and Jornandes. (de Success. Regnorum, P. 242.) The patient reader may draw some light from Mascou (Hist. of the Germans, and Anuotat. xxiii.) and De Buat. (Hist. des Peuples, &c. tom. ix. x. xi.)

I adopt the appellation of Bulgarians, from Ennodius, (in Panegyr. Theodorici, Opp. Sirmond, tom. i. p. 1598, 1599.) Jornandes, (de Rebus Geticis, c. 5. p. 194. et de Regn. Successione, p. 242.) Theophanes, (p. 185.) and the Chronicles of Cassiodorius and Marcellinus. The name of Huns is too vague; the tribes of the Cutturgurians and Utturgurians are too minute and too harsh.

people, whose unfavourable character is qualified by the epithets of chaste, patient, and hospitable. As their supreme god, they adored an invisible master of the thunder. The rivers and the nymphs obtained their subordinate honours, and the popular worship was expressed in vows and sacrifice. The Sclavonians disdained to obey a despot, a prince, or even a magistrate; but their experience was too narrow, their passions too headstrong, to compose a system of equal law or general defence. Some voluntary respect was yielded to age and valour; but each tribe or village existed as a separate republic, and all must be persuaded where

m Procopius. (Goth. 1. iv. c. 19.) His verbal message (he owns himself an illiterate barbarian) is delivered as an epistle. The style is savage, figurative, and original,

n This sum is the result of a particular list, in a curious MS. fragment of the year 550, found in the library of Milan. The obscure geography of the times provokes and exercises the patience of the count De Buat. (tom. xi. p. 69-189.) The French minister often loses himself in a wilderness which requires a Saxon and Polish guide.

。 Panicum, milium. See Columella, 1. ii. c. 9. p. 430. edit. Gesner. Plin. Hist. Natur. xviii. 24, 25. The Sarmatians made a pap of millet, mingled with mare's milk or blood. In the wealth of modern husbandry, our millet feeds poultry, and not heroes. See the dictionaries of Bomare and Miller.

none could be compelled. They fought on foot, almost naked, and, except an unwieldy shield, without any defensive armour: their weapons of offence were a bow, a quiver of small poisoned arrows, and a long rope, which they dexterously threw from a distance, and entangled their enemy in a running noose. In the field, the Sclavonian infantry was dangerous by their speed, agility, and hardiness: they swam, they dived, they remained under water, drawing their breath through a hollow cane; and a river or lake was often the scene of their unsuspected ambuscade. But these were the achievements of spies or stragglers; the military art was unknown to the Sclavonians; their name was obscure, and their conquests were inglorious,P

Their inroads.

I have marked the faint and general outline of the Sclavonians and Bulgarians, without attempting to define their immediate boundaries, which were not accurately known or respected by the barbarians themselves. Their importance was measured by their vicinity to the empire; and the level country of Moldavia and Walachia was occupied by the Antes, a Sclavonian tribe, which swelled the titles of Justinian with an epithet of conquest. Against the Antes he erected the fortifications of the Lower Danube; and laboured to secure the alliance of a people seated in the direct channel of northern inundation, an interval of two hundred miles between the mountains of Transylvania and the Euxine sea. But the Antes wanted power and inclination to stem the fury of the torrent: and the light-armed Sclavonians, from a hundred tribes, pursued with almost equal speed the footsteps of the Bulgarian horse. The payment of one piece of gold for each soldier procured a safe and easy retreat through the country of the Gepida, who commanded the passage of the Upper Danube. The hopes or fears of the barbarians; their intestine union or discord; the accident of a frozen or shallow stream; the prospect of harvest or vintage; the prosperity or distress of the Romans; were the causes which produced the uniform repetition of annual visits, tedious in the narrative, and destructive in the event. The same year, and possibly the same month, in which Ravenna surrendered, was marked by an invasion of the Huns or Bulgarians, so dreadful, that it almost effaced the memory of their past inroads. They spread from the suburbs of Constantinople to the Ionian gulf, destroyed thirty-two cities or castles, erased Potidea, which Athens had built and Philip had besieged, and repassed the Danube, dragging

p For the name and nation, the situation and manners, of the Sclavonians, see the original evidence of the sixth century, in Procopius, (Goth. 1. ii. c. 26. l. iii. c. 14.) and the emperor Mauritius or Maurice. (Stratagemat. I. ii. c. 5. apud Mascou, Annotat. xxxi.) The Stratagems of Maurice have been printed only, as I understand, at the end of Scheffer's edition of Arrian's Tactics, at Upsal, 1664. (Fabric. Bibliot. Græc, 1. iv. c. 8. tom. iii. p. 278.) a scarce, and hitherto, to me, an inaccessible book.

9 Antes eorum fortissimi.... Taysis qui rapidus et vorticosus in Histri fluenta furens devolvitur. (Joruandes, c. 5. p. 194. edit. Murator. Procopius, Goth. 1. iii. c. 14. et de Edific. 1. iv. c. 7.) Yet the same Procopius mentions the Goths and Huns as neighbours, Tecтovouvra, to the Danube. (de Edific. I. iv. c. i.)

The national title of Anticus, in the laws and inscriptions of

| at their horses' heels one hundred and twenty thousand of the subjects of Justinian. In a subsequent inroad they pierced the wall of the Thracian Chersonesus, extirpated the habitations and the inhabitants, boldly traversed the Hellespont, and returned to their companions, laden with the spoils of Asia. Another party, which seemed a multitude in the eyes of the Romans, penetrated, without opposition, from the straits of Thermopyla to the isthmus of Corinth; and the last ruin of Greece has appeared an object too minute for the attention of history. The works which the emperor raised for the protection, but at the expense, of his subjects, served only to disclose the weakness of some neglected part; and the walls, which by flattery had been deemed impregnable, were either deserted by the garrison, or scaled by the barbarians. Three thousand Sclavonians, who insolently divided themselves into two bands, discovered the weakness and misery of a triumphant reign. They passed the Danube and the Hebrus, vanquished the Roman generals who dared to oppose their progress, and plundered with impunity the cities of Illyricum and Thrace, each of which had arms and numbers to overwhelm their contemptible assailants. Whatever praise the boldness of the Sclavonians may deserve, it is sullied by the wanton and deliberate cruelty which they are accused of exercising on their prisoners. Without distinction of rank, or age, or sex, the captives were impaled, or flayed alive, or suspended between four posts, and beaten with clubs till they expired, or enclosed in some spacious building, and left to perish in the flames with the spoil and cattle which might impede the march of these savage victors." Perhaps a more impartial narrative would reduce the number, and qualify the nature, of these horrid acts; and they might sometimes be excused by the cruel laws of retaliation. In the siege of Topirus, whose obstinate defence had enraged the Sclavonians, they massacred fifteen thousand males; but they spared the women and children; the most valuable captives were always reserved for labour or ransom; the servitude was not rigorous, and the terms of their deliverance were speedy and moderate. But the subject, or the historian of Justinian, exhaled his just indignation in the language of complaint and reproach; and Procopius has confidently affirmed, that in a reign of thirtytwo years, each annual inroad of the barbarians consumed two hundred thousand of the inhabitants of the Roman empire. The entire population of Turkish Europe, which nearly corresponds with the

Justinian, was adopted by his successors, and is justified by the pious Ludewig, (in Vit. Justinian. p. 515.) It had strangely puzzled the civilians of the middle age.

s Procopius, Goth. I. iv. c. 25.

An inroad of the Huns is connected, by Procopius, with a comet perhaps that of 531. (Persic. I. ii. C. 4.) Agathias (I. v. p. 154, 155.) borrows from his predecessor some early facts.

The cruelties of the Sclavonians are related or magnified by Pro copius. (Goth. 1. iii. c. 29. 38.) For their mild and liberal behaviour to their prisoners, we may appeal to the authority, somewhat more recent, of the emperor Maurice. Stratagem. (1. ii. c. 5.)

x Topirus was situate near Philippi in Thrace, or Macedonia, opposite to the isle of Thasos, twelve days' journey from Constantinople. (Cellarius, tom. i. p. 676. 840.)

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provinces of Justinian, would perhaps be incapable | largest sheep and oxen in the world. The soil is

of supplying six millions of persons, the result of this incredible estimate.

66

fruitful, and the climate mild and temperate the happy region was ignorant of earthquake and pestilence; the emperor's throne was turned towards the east, and a golden wolf on the top of a spear seemed to guard the entrance of his tent. One of the successors of Bertezena was tempted by the luxury and superstition of China; but his design of building cities and temples was defeated by the simple wisdom of a barbarian counsellor. "The Turks," he said, are not equal in number to one hundredth part of the inhabitants of China. If we balance their power, and elude their armies, it is because we wander without any fixed habitations, in the exercise of war and hunting. Are we strong? we advance and conquer: are we feeble? we retire and are concealed. Should the Turks confine themselves within the walls of cities, the loss of a battle would be the destruction of their empire. The Bonzes preach only patience, humility, and the renunciation of the world. Such, O king! is not the religion of heroes." They entertained, with less reluctance, the doctrines of Zoroaster; but the greatest part of the nation acquiesced, without inquiry, in the opinions, or rather in the practice, of their ancestors. The honours of sacrifice were reserved for the supreme deity; they acknowledged, in rude hymns, their obligations to the air, the fire, the water, and the earth; and their priests derived some profit from the art of divination. Their unwritten laws were rigorous and impartial : theft was punished by a tenfold restitution; adultery, treason, and murder, with death; and no chastisement could be inflicted too severe for the rare and inexpiable guilt of cowardice. As the subject nations marched under the standard of the Turks, their cavalry, both men and horses, were proudly computed by millions; one of their effective armies consisted of four hundred thousand soldiers, and in less than fifty years they were connected in peace and war with the Romans, the Persians, and the Chinese. In their northern limits, some vestige may be discovered of the form and situation of | Kamtchatka, of a people of hunters and fishermen, whose sledges were drawn by dogs, and whose habitations were buried in the earth. The Turks were ignorant of astronomy; but the observation taken by some learned Chinese, with a gnomon of eight feet, fixes the royal camp in the latitude of forty-nine degrees, and marks their extreme progress within three, or at least ten, degrees, of the polar circle. Among their southern conquests, the

Origin and mo. In the midst of these obscure cala-
narchy of the mities, Europe felt the shock of a
Turks in Asia,
A. D. 545, &c. revolution, which first revealed to the
world the name and nation of the TURKS. Like
Romulus, the founder of that martial people was
suckled by a she-wolf, who afterwards made him
the father of a numerous progeny; and the repre-
sentation of that animal in the banners of the Turks
preserved the memory, or rather suggested the idea,
of a fable, which was invented, without any mutual
intercourse, by the shepherds of Latium and those
of Scythia. At the equal distance of two thousand
miles from the Caspian, the Icy, the Chinese, and
the Bengal seas, a ridge of mountains is conspicu-
ous, the centre, and perhaps the summit, of Asia;
which, in the language of different nations, has
been styled Imaus, and Caf, and Altai, and the
Golden Mountains, and the Girdle of the Earth.
The sides of the hills were productive of minerals;
and the iron forges, for the purpose of war, were
exercised by the Turks, the most despised portion
of the slaves of the great khan of the Geougen.
But their servitude could only last till a leader,
bold and eloquent, should arise, to persuade his
countrymen that the same arms which they forged
for their masters, might become, in their own hands,
the instruments of freedom and victory. They
sallied from the mountain; a sceptre was the re-
ward of his advice; and the annual ceremony, in
which a piece of iron was heated in the fire, and
a smith's hammer was successively handled by
the prince and his nobles, recorded for ages the
humble profession and rational pride of the Turkish
nation. Bertezena, their first leader, signalized
their valour and his own in successful combats
against the neighbouring tribes; but when he pre-
sumed to ask in marriage the daughter of the great
khan, the insolent demand of a slave and a mechanic
was contemptuously rejected. The disgrace was
expiated by a more noble alliance with a princess
of China; and the decisive battle which almost
extirpated the nation of the Geougen, established
in Tartary the new and more powerful empire of
the Turks. They reigned over the north; but they
confessed the vanity of conquest, by their faithful |
attachment to the mountain of their fathers. The
royal encampment seldom lost sight of Mount Altai,
from whence the river Irtish descends to water the
rich pastures of the Calmucks, which nourish the

According to the malevolent testimony of the Anecdotes, (c. 18.) these inroads had reduced the provinces south of the Danube to the state of a Scythian wilderness.

From Caf to Caf; which a more rational geography would interpret, from Imaus, perhaps, to mount Atlas According to the religious philosophy of the Mahometans, the basis of mount Caf is an emerald, whose reflection produces the azure of the sky. The mountain is endowed with a sensitive action in its roots or nerves; and their vibration, at the command of God, is the cause of earthquakes. (De Herbelot, p. 230, 231.)

a The Siberian iron is the best and most plentiful in the world; and in the southern parts, above sixty mines are now worked by the industry of the Russians. (Strahlenberg, Hist. of Siberia, p. 342 387. Voyage en Siberie, par l'Abbé Chappe d'Anteroche, p. 603-608. edit. in 12mo, Amsterdam, 1770.) The Turks offered iron for sale; yet the

Roman ambassadors, with strange obstinacy, persisted in believing that it was all a trick, and that their country produced none. (Menander in Excerpt. Leg. p. 152)

b Of Irgaua-kou. (Abulghazi Khan, Hist. Genealogique des Tatars, P. ii. c. 5. p. 71-77. c. 15. p. 155.) The tradition of the Moguls, of the 450 years which they passed in the mountains, agrees with the Chinese periods of the history of the Huns and Turks, (De Guignes, tom. i. part ii. p. 376.) and the twenty generations, from their restora tion to Zingis.

The country of the Turks, now of the Calmucks, is well described in the Genealogical History, p. 521-562. The curious notes of the French translator are enlarged and digested in the second volume of the English version.

d Visdelou, p. 141, 151. The fact, though it strictly belongs to a subordinate and successive tribe, may be introduced here.

most splendid was that of the Nephthalites or White Huns, a polite and warlike people, who possessed the commercial cities of Bochara and Samarcand, who had vanquished the Persian monarch, and carried their victorious arms along the banks, and perhaps to the mouth, of the Indus, On the side of the west, the Turkish cavalry advanced to the lake Mæotis. They passed that lake on the ice. The khan who dwelt at the foot of mount Altai, issued his commands for the siege of Bosphorus, a city, the voluntary subject of Rome, and whose princes had formerly been the friends of Athens. To the east, the Turks invaded China, as often as the vigour of the government was relaxed: and I am taught to read in the history of the times, that they mowed down their patient enemies like hemp or grass; and that the mandarins applauded the wisdom of an emperor who repulsed these barbarians with golden lances. This extent of savage empire compelled the Turkish monarch to establish three subordinate princes of his own blood, who soon forgot their gratitude and allegiance. The conquerors were enervated by luxury, which is always fatal except to an industrious people; the policy of China solicited the vanquished nations to resume their independence; and the power of the Turks was limited to a period of two hundred years. The revival of their name and dominion in the southern countries of Asia, are the events of a later age; and the dynasties, which succeeded to their native realms, may sleep in oblivion; since their history bears no relation to the decline and fall of the Roman empire.

The Avars fly before the Turks, and approach the empire.

In the rapid career of conquest, the Turks attacked and subdued the nation of the Ogors or Varchonites, on the banks of the river Til, which derived the epithet of black from its dark water or gloomy forests. The khan of the Ogors was slain, with three hundred thousand of his subjects, and their bodies were scattered over the space of four days' journey: their surviving countrymen acknowledged the strength and mercy of the Turks; and a small portion, about twenty thousand warriors, preferred exile to servitude. They followed the well-known road of the Volga, cherished the error of the nations who confounded them with the AVARS, and spread the terror of that false though famous appellation, which had not, however, saved its lawful proprietors from the yoke of the Turks. After a long and victorious march, the new Avars arrived at the foot of mount Caucasus, in the country of the Alanik and

e Procopius, Persic. 1. i. c. 12. 1. ii. c. 3. Peyssonel (Observations sur les Peuples Barbares, p. 99, 100.) defines the distance between Caffa and the old Bosphorus at sixteen long Tartar leagues.

f See, in a Memoire of M. de Boze, (Mem. de l'Academie des Inscriptions, tom. vi, p. 549-565.) the ancient kings and medals of the Cimmerian Bosphorus; and the gratitude of Athens, in the Oration of Demosthenes against Leptines, (in Reiske, Orator. Græc. tom. i. p. 466. 467.)

g For the origin and revolutions of the first Turkish empire, the Chinese details are borrowed from De Guignes (Hist. des Huns, tom. i. P. ii, p. 367-462.) and Visdelou. (Supplement à la Bibliotheque Orient. d'Herbelot, p. 82-114.) The Greek or Roman hints are gathered in Menander (p. 108-164.) and Theophylact Simocatta, (1. vii. c. 7, 8.)

A. D. 558.

Circassians, where they first heard of the splendour and weakness of the Roman empire. They humbly requested their confederate, the prince of the Alani, to lead them to this source of riches; and their ambassador, with the permission of the governor of Lazica, was transported by the Euxine sea to Copstantinople. The whole city was poured forth to behold with curiosity and terror the aspect of a strange people: their long hair, which hung in tresses down their backs, was gracefully bound with ribbons, but the rest of their habit appeared to imitate the fashion of the Huns. When Their embassy to they were admitted to the audience of Constantinople, Justinian, Candish, the first of the ambassadors, addressed the Roman emperor in these terms: "You see before you, O mighty prince, the representatives of the strongest and most populous of nations, the invincible, the irresistible Avars. We are willing to devote ourselves to your service: we are able to vanquish and destroy all the enemies who now disturb your repose. But we expect, as the price of our alliance, as the reward of our valour, precious gifts, annual subsidies, and fruitful possessions." ful possessions." At the time of this embassy, Justinian had reigned above thirty, he had lived above seventy-five years: his mind, as well as his body, was feeble and languid; and the conqueror of Africa and Italy, careless of the permanent interest of his people, aspired only to end his days in the bosom even of inglorious peace. In a studied oration, he imparted to the senate his resolution to dissemble the insult, and to purchase the friendship of the Avars; and the whole senate, like the mandarins of China, applauded the incomparable wisdom and foresight of their sovereign. The instruments of luxury were immediately prepared to captivate the barbarians; silken garments, soft and splendid beds, and chains and collars incrusted with gold. The ambassadors, content with such liberal reception, departed from Constantinople, and Valentin, one of the emperor's guards, was sent with a similar character to their camp at the foot of mount Caucasus. As their destruction or their success must be alike advantageous to the empire, he persuaded them to invade the enemies of Rome; and they were easily tempted, by gifts and promises, to gratify their ruling inclinations. These fugitives, who fled before the Turkish arms, passed the Tanais and Borysthenes, and boldly advanced into the heart of Poland and Germany, violating the law of nations, and abusing the rights of victory. Before ten years had elapsed, their

h The river Til, or Tula, according to the geography of De Guignes, (tom. i. part ii. p. lviii. and 352.) is a small, though grateful, stream of the desert, that falls into the Orhon, Selinga, &c. See Bell, Journey from Petersburg to Pekin; (vol. ii. p. 124.) yet his own description of the Keat, down which he sailed into the Oby, represents the name and

attributes of the black river, (p. 139.)

i Theophylact, 1. vii. c. 7. 8. And yet his true Avars are invisible even to the eyes of M. de Guignes; and what can be more illustrious than the false? The right of the fugitive Ogors to that national ap pellation is confessed by the Turks themselves. (Menander, p. 108) k The Alani are still found in the Genealogical History of the Tartars, (p. 617.) and in D'Anville's maps. They opposed the march of the generals of Zingis round the Caspian sea, and were overthrown in great battle. (Hist. de Gengiscan, I. iv. c. 9. p. 447.)

از

1

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camps were seated on the Danube and the Elbe, many Bulgarian and Sclavonian names were obliterated from the earth, and the remainder of their tribes are found, as tributaries and vassals, under the standard of the Avars. The chagan, the peculiar title of their king, still affected to cultivate the friendship of the emperor; and Justinian entertained some thoughts of fixing them in Pannonia, to balance the prevailing power of the Lombards. But the virtue or treachery of an Avar betrayed the secret enmity and ambitious designs of their countrymen; and they loudly complained of the timid though jealous policy, of detaining their ambassadors, and denying the arms which they had been allowed to purchase in the capital of the empire.' Embassies of the Perhaps the apparent change in the Turks and Ro- dispositions of the emperors, may be A. D. 569-582. ascribed to the embassy which was received from the conquerors of the Avars." The immense distance which eluded their arms, could not extinguish their resentment: the Turkish ambassadors pursued the footsteps of the vanquished to the Jaik, the Volga, mount Caucasus, the Euxine, and Constantinople, and at length appeared before the successor of Constantine, to request that he would not espouse the cause of rebels and fugitives. Even commerce had some share in this remarkable negociation: and the Sogdoites, who were now the tributaries of the Turks, embraced the fair occasion of opening, by the north of the CasJ pian, a new road for the importation of Chinese silk into the Roman empire. The Persian, who preferred the navigation of Ceylon, had stopped the caravans of Bochara and Samarcand: their silk was contemptuously burnt: some Turkish ambassadors died in Persia, with a suspicion of poison; and the great khan permitted his faithful vassal Maniach, the prince of the Sogdoites, to propose, at the Byzantine court, a treaty of alliance against their common enemies. Their splendid apparel and rich presents, the fruit of oriental luxury, distinguished Maniach and his colleagues from the rude savages of the north their letters, in the Scythian character and language, announced a people who had attained the rudiments of science;" they enumerated the conquests, they offered the friendship and military aid of the Turks; and their sincerity was attested by direful imprecations (if they were guilty of falsehood) against their own head, and the head of Disabul their master. The Greek prince entertained with hospitable regard the ambassadors of a remote and powerful monarch: the sight of silkworms and looms disappointed the hopes of the Sogdoites; the emperor renounced, or seemed to renounce, the fugitive Avars, but he accepted the

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1 The embassies and first conquests of the Avars may be read in Menander, (Excerpt. Legat. p. 99, 100, 101. 154, 155.) Theophanes, (p. 196.) the Historia Miscella, (1. xvi. p. 109.) and Gregory of Tours, (1. iv. c. 23. 29. in the Historians of France, tom. ii. p. 214. 217.)

Theophanes (Chron. p. 204.) and the Hist. Miscella, (1. xvi. p. 110.) as understood by De Guignes, (tom, i. part ii. p. 354.) appear to speak of a Turkish embassy to Justinian himself; but that of Maniach, in the fourth year of his successor Justin, is positively the first that reached Constantinople. (Menander, p. 108.)

| alliance of the Turks; and the ratification of the treaty was carried by a Roman minister to the foot of mount Altai. Under the successors of Justinian, the friendship of the two nations was cultivated by frequent and cordial intercourse; the most favoured vassals were permitted to imitate the example of the great khan, and one hundred and six Turks, who, on various occasions, had visited Constantinople, departed at the same time for their native country. The duration and length of the journey from the Byzantine court to mount Altai are not specified: it might have been difficult to mark a road through the nameless deserts, the mountains, rivers, and morasses of Tartary; but a curious account has been preserved of the reception of the Roman ambassadors at the royal camp. After they had been purified with fire and incense, according to a rite still practised under the sons of Zingis, they were introduced to the presence of Disabul. In a valley of the Golden Mountain, they found the great khan in his tent, seated in a chair with wheels, to which a horse might be occasionally harnessed. As soon as they had delivered their presents, which were received by the proper officers, they exposed, in a florid oration, the wishes of the Roman emperor, that victory might attend the arms of the Turks, that their reign might be long and prosperous, and that a strict alliance, without envy or deceit, might for ever be maintained between the two most powerful nations of the earth. The answer of Disabul corresponded with these friendly professions, and the ambassadors were seated by his side, at a banquet which lasted the greatest part of the day: the tent was surrounded with silk hangings, and a Tartar liquor was served on the table, which possessed at least the intoxicating qualities of wine. The entertainment of the succeeding day was more sumptuous; the silk hangings of the second tent were embroidered in various figures; and the royal seat, the cups, and the vases, were of gold. A third pavilion was supported by columns of gilt wood; a bed of pure and massy gold was raised on four peacocks of the same metal; and before the entrance of the tent, dishes, basons, and statues of solid silver, and admirable art, were ostentatiously piled in waggons, the monuments of valour rather than of industry. When Disabul led his armies against the frontiers of Persia, his Roman allies followed many days the march of the Turkish camp, nor were they dismissed till they had enjoyed their precedency over the envoy of the great king, whose loud and intemperate clamours interrupted the silence of the royal banquet. The power and ambition of Chosroes cemented the union of the Turks and Romans, who

n The Russians have found characters, rude hieroglyphics, on the Irtish and Yenisei, on medals, tombs, idols, rocks, obelisks, &c. (Strahlenberg, Hist. of Siberia, p. 324. 346. 406. 429.) Dr. Hyde (de Religione Veterum Persarum, p. 521, &c.) has given two alphabets of Thibet and of the Eygours. I have long harboured a suspicion that all the Scythian, and some, perhaps much, of the Indian science, was derived from the Greeks of Bactriana.

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