either came from heaven, impassible and incorrup- | principles of their adversaries. To escape from tible, or was absorbed, and as it were transformed, into the essence of the Deity. The system of Apollinaris was strenuously encountered by the Asiatic and Syrian divines, whose schools are honoured by the names of Basil, Gregory, and Chrysostom, and tainted by those of Diodorus, Theodore, and Nestorius. But the person of the aged bishop of Laodicea, his character and dignity, remained inviolate; and his rivals, since we may not suspect them of the weakness of toleration, were astonished, perhaps, by the novelty of the argument, and diffident of the final sentence of the catholic church. Her judgment at length inclined in their favour; the heresy of Apollinaris was condemned, and the separate congregations of his disciples were proscribed by the imperial laws. But his principles were secretly entertained in the monasteries of Egypt, and his enemies felt the hatred of Theophilus and Cyril, the successive patriarchs of Alexandria.

V. Orthodox con

disputes.

A. D. 412.
Oct. 18-
A. D. 444.
June 27.

each other, they wandered through many a dark and devious thicket, till they were astonished by the horrid phantoms of Cerinthus and Apollinaris, who guarded the opposite issues of the theological labyrinth. As soon as they beheld the twilight of sense and heresy, they started, measured back their steps, and were again involved in the gloom of impenetrable orthodoxy. To purge themselves from the guilt or reproach of damnable error, they disavowed their consequences, explained their principles, excused their indiscretions, and unanimously pronounced the sounds of concord and faith. Yet a latent and almost invisible spark still lurked among the embers of controversy; by the breath of preju| dice and passion, it was quickly kindled to a mighty flame, and the verbal disputes of the oriental sects have shaken the pillars of the church and state. The name of CYRIL of Alexandria is famous in controversial story, and V. The grovelling Ebionite, and the the title of saint is a mark that his sent and verbal phantastic Docetes, were rejected and opinions and his party have finally prevailed. In forgotten the recent zeal against the the house of his uncle, the archbishop Theophilus, errors of Apollinaris, reduced the catholics to a he imbibed the orthodox lessons of zeal and doseeming agreement with the double nature of Ce-minion, and five years of his youth were profitably rinthus. But instead of a temporary and occasional alliance, they established, and we still embrace, the substantial, indissoluble, and everlasting union of a perfect God with a perfect man, of the second person of the Trinity with a reasonable soul and human flesh. In the beginning of the fifth century the unity of the two natures was the prevailing doctrine of the church. On all sides, it was confessed, that the mode of their co-existence could neither be represented by our ideas, nor expressed by our language. Yet a secret and incurable discord was cherished, between those who were most apprehensive of confounding, and those who were more fear-works of allegory and metaphysics, whose remains, ful of separating, the divinity and the humanity of Christ. Impelled by religious frenzy, they fled with adverse haste from the error which they mutually deemed most destructive of truth and salvation. On either hand they were anxious to guard, they were jealous to defend, the union and the distinction of the two natures, and to invent such forms of speech, such symbols of doctrine, as were least susceptible of doubt or ambiguity. The poverty of ideas and language tempted them to ransack art and nature for every possible comparison, and each comparison misled their fancy in the explanation of an incomparable mystery. In the polemic microscope, an atom is enlarged to a monster, and each party was skilful to exaggerate the absurd or impious conclusions that might be extorted from the

t I appeal to the confession of two oriental prelates, Gregory Abulpharagius the Jacobite primate of the east, and Elias the Nestorian metropolitan of Damascus, (see Asseman. Bibliothec. Oriental. tom. ii. p. 291. tom. iii. p. 514, &c.) that the Melchites, Jacobites, Nestorians, &c. agree in the doctrine, and differ only in the expression. Our most learned and rational divines-Basnage, Le Clerc, Beausobre, La Croze, Mosheim, Jablonski-are inclined to favour this charitable judgment; but the zeal of Petavins is loud and angry, and the moderation of Du. pin is conveyed in a whisper.

u La Croze (Hist. du Christianisme des Indes, tom. i. p. 24.) avows his contempt for the genius and writings of Cyril. De tous les ou

spent in the adjacent monasteries of Nitria. Under
the tuition of the abbot Serapion, he applied him-
self to ecclesiastical studies with such
Cyril patriarch
indefatigable ardour, that in the course of Alexandria,
of one sleepless night he has perused the four gos-
pels, the catholic epistles, and the epistle to the
Romans. Origen he detested; but the writings of
Clemens and Dionysius, of Athanasius and Basil,
were continually in his hands: by the theory and
practice of dispute, his faith was confirmed and his
wit was sharpened; he extended round his cell the
cobwebs of scholastic theology, and meditated the

in seven verbose folios, now peaceably slumber by the side of their rivals." Cyril prayed and fasted in the desert, but his thoughts (it is the reproach of a friend) were still fixed on the world; and the call of Theophilus, who summoned him to the tumult of cities and synods, was too readily obeyed by the aspiring hermit. With the approbation of his uncle he assumed the office, and acquired the fame, of a popular preacher. His comely person adorned the pulpit, the harmony of his voice resounded in the cathedral, his friends were stationed to lead or second the applause of the congregation, and the hasty notes of the scribes preserved his discourses, which, in their effect, though not in their composition, might be compared with those of the Athenian orators. The death of Theophilus expanded and

vrages des anciens, il y en a peu qu'on lise avec moins d'utilité: and Dupin (Bibliotheque Ecclesiastique, tom. iv. p. 42-52) in words of respect, teaches us to despise them.

Of Isidore of Pelusium, (I. i. epist. 25. p. 8.) As the letter is not of the most creditable sort, Tillemont, less sincere than the Bollandists, affects a doubt whether this Cyril is the nephew of Theophilus. (Mem. Eccles. tom. xiv. p. 268.)

didar

y A grammarian is named by Socrates (1. vii. 13.) diamupos de apaτης του επισκόπου Κυρίλλου καθέτως, και περί το κρότους εν ταις καλίαις αυτου εγείρειν ην σπουδαιότατος.

"

realized the hopes of his nephew. The clergy of
Alexandria was divided; the soldiers and their
general supported the claims of the archdeacon;
but a resistless multitude, with voices and with
hands, asserted the cause of their favourite; and,
after a period of thirty-nine years, Cyril was seated
on the throne of Athanasius.2

His tyranny,
A. D. 413, 414,
415, &c.

The prize was not unworthy of his
ambition. At a distance from the
court, and at the head of an immense
capital, the patriarch, as he was now styled, of Alex-
andria, had gradually usurped the state and au-
thority of a civil magistrate. The public and pri-
vate charities of the city were managed by his dis-
cretion; his voice inflamed or appeased the passions
of the multitude; his commands were blindly
obeyed by his numerous and fanatic parabolani,
familiarized in their daily office with scenes of
death; and the prefects of Egypt were awed or pro-
voked by the temporal power of these christian
pontiffs. Ardent in the prosecution of heresy, Cyril
auspiciously opened his reign by oppressing the
Novatians, the most innocent and harmless of the
sectaries. The interdiction of their religious wor-
ship appeared in his eyes a just and meritorious
act; and he confiscated their holy vessels, without
apprehending the guilt of sacrilege. The tolera-
tion, and even the privileges, of the Jews, who had
multiplied to the number of forty thousand, were
secured by the laws of the Cæsars and Ptolemies,
and a long prescription of seven hundred years since
the foundation of Alexandria. Without any legal
sentence, without any royal mandate, the patriarch,
at the dawn of day, led a seditious multitude to the
attack of the synagogues.
pared, the Jews were incapable of resistance; their
houses of prayer were levelled with the ground, and
the episcopal warrior, after rewarding his troops
with the plunder of their goods, expelled from the
city the remnant of the unbelieving nation. Per-
haps he might plead the insolence of their prospe-
rity, and their deadly hatred of the christians, whose
blood they had recently shed in a malicious or acci-
dental tumult.

Unarmed and unpre

Such crimes would have deserved the animadversion of the magistrate; but in this promiscuous outrage, the innocent were confounded with the guilty, and Alexandria was impoverished by the loss of a wealthy and industrious colony. The zeal of Cyril exposed him to the penalties of the Julian law; but in a feeble government, and a superstitious age, he was secure of impunity, and even of praise. Orestes complained; but his just

See the youth and promotion of Cyril, in Socrates (I. vii. c. 7.) and Renaudot. (Hist. Patriarch. Alexandrin. p. 106. 108.) The Abbé Renaudot drew his materials from the Arabic history of Severus, bishop of Hermopolis Magna, or Ashmunein, in the tenth century, who can never be trusted, unless our assent is extorted by the internal evidence

of facts.

a The Parabolani of Alexandria were a charitable corporation, instituted during the plague of Gallienus, to visit the sick and to bury the dead. They gradually enlarged, abused, and sold the privileges of their order. Their outrageous conduct under the reign of Cyril provoked the emperor to deprive the patriarch of their nomination, and restrain their number to five or six hundred. But these restraints were transient and ineffectual. See the Theodosian Code, 1. xvi. tit. 11. and Tillemont, Mem. Eccles. tom. xiv. p. 276-278.

b For Theon, and his daughter Hypatia, see Fabricius, Bibliothec.

complaints were too quickly forgotten by the ministers of Theodosius, and too deeply remembered by a priest who affected to pardon, and continued to hate, the præfect of Egypt. As he passed through the streets, his chariot was assaulted by a band of five hundred of the Nitrian monks; his guards fled from the wild beasts of the desert; his protestations that he was a christian and a catholic, were answered by a volley of stones, and the face of Orestes was covered with blood. The loyal citizens of Alexandria hastened to his rescue; he instantly satisfied his justice and revenge against the monk by whose hand he had been wounded, and Ammonius expired under the rod of the lictor. At the command of Cyril his body was raised from the ground, and transported, in solemn procession, to the cathedral; the name of Ammonius was changed to that of Thaumasius the wonderful; his tomb was decorated with the trophies of martyrdom, and the patriarch ascended the pulpit to celebrate the magnanimity of an assassin and a rebel. Such honours might incite the faithful to combat and die under the banners of the saint; and he soon prompted, or accepted, the sacrifice of a virgin, who professed the religion of the Greeks, and cultivated the friendship of Orestes. Hypatia, the daughter of Theon the mathematician," was initiated in her father's studies: her learned comments have elucidated the geometry of Apollonius and Diophantus, and she publicly taught, both at Athens and Alexandria, the philosophy of Plato and Aristotle. In the bloom of beauty, and in the maturity of wisdom, the modest maid refused her lovers and instructed her disciples; the persons most illustrious for their rank or merit were impatient to visit the female philosopher; and Cyril beheld, with a jealous eye, the gorgeous train of horses and slaves who crowded the door of her academy. A rumour was spread among the christians, that the daughter of Theon was the only obstacle to the reconciliation of the præfect and the archbishop; and that obstacle was speedily removed. On a fatal day, in the holy season of Lent, Hypatia was torn from her chariot, stripped naked, dragged to the church, and inhumanly butchered by the hands of Peter the reader, and a troop of savage and merciless fanatics: her flesh was scraped from her bones with sharp oystershells, and her quivering limbs were delivered to the flames. The just progress of inquiry and punishment was stopped by seasonable gifts; but the murder of Hypatia has imprinted an indelible stain on the character and religion of Cyril of Alexandria.d tom. viii. p. 210, 211. Her article in the Lexicon of Suidas is curious and original. Hesychius (Meursii Opera, tom. vii. p. 295, 296.) observes, that she was prosecuted δια την υπερβαλλουσαν σοφίαν; and an epigram in the Greek Anthology (l. i. c. 76. p. 159. edit. Brodæi) celebrates her knowledge and eloquence. She is honourably mentioned (Epist. 10. 15, 16. 33–80. 124. 135. 153.) by her friend and disciple the philosophic bishop Synesius.

C

• Οτράκοις ανείλον, και μεληδόν διασπασαντες, &c. Oyster-shells were plentifully strewed on the sea-beach before the Cæsareum. I may therefore prefer the literal sense, without rejecting the metaphorical version of tegulæ, tiles, which is used by M. de Valois. I am ignorant, and the assassins were probably regardless, whether their victim was yet alive.

d These exploits of St. Cyril are recorded by Socrates, (1. vii. c. 13, 14, 15.) and the most reluctant bigotry is compelled to copy an his

Nestorius, patri

Superstition, perhaps, would more | pont his episcopal vigour imposed a rigid formulary
of faith and discipline; a chronological error con-
cerning the festival of Easter was punished as an
offence against the church and state. Lydia and
Caria, Sardes and Miletus, were purified with the
blood of the obstinate Quartodecimans; and the
edict of the emperor, or rather of the patriarch,
enumerates three and twenty degrees and denomi-
nations in the guilt and punishment of heresy.h But
the sword of persecution, which Nestorius so
furiously wielded, was soon turned against his own
breast. Religion was the pretence; but, in the
judgment of a contemporary saint, ambition was
the genuine motive of episcopal warfare.i

arch of Constan- gently expiate the blood of a virgin,
tinople,
A. D. 428. than the banishment of a saint; and
April 10.
Cyril had accompanied his uncle to the
iniquitous synod of the Oak. When the memory of
Chrysostom was restored and consecrated, the ne-
phew of Theophilus, at the head of a dying faction,
still maintained the justice of his sentence; nor was
it till after a tedious delay and an obstinate resist-
ance, that he yielded to the consent of the catholic
world. His enmity to the Byzantine pontiffs' was
a sense of interest, not a sally of passion: he envied
their fortunate station in the sunshine of the impe-
rial court; and he dreaded their upstart ambition,
which oppressed the metropolitans of Europe and
Asia, invaded the provinces of Antioch and Alex-
andria, and measured their diocese by the limits of
the empire. The long moderation of Atticus, the
mild usurper of the throne of Chrysostom, suspend-
ed the animosities of the eastern patriarchs; but
Cyril was at length awakened by the exaltation of
a rival more worthy of his esteem and hatred. After
the short and troubled reign of Sisinnius, bishop of
Constantinople, the factions of the clergy and people
were appeased by the choice of the emperor, who,
on this occasion, consulted the voice of fame, and
invited the merit of a stranger. Nestorius, a native
of Germanicia, and a monk of Antioch, was recom-
mended by the austerity of his life, and the elo-
quence of his sermons; but the first homily which
he preached before the devout Theodosius betrayed
the acrimony and impatience of his zeal. "Give
me, O Cæsar!" he exclaimed, “give me the earth
purged of heretics, and I will give you in exchange
the kingdom of heaven. Exterminate with me the
heretics; and with you I will exterminate the Per-
sians." On the fifth day, as if the treaty had been
already signed, the patriarch of Constantinople
discovered, surprised, and attacked, a secret con-
venticle of the Arians: they preferred death to sub-
mission; the flames that were kindled by their
despair, soon spread to the neighbouring houses,
and the triumph of Nestorius was clouded by the
name of incendiary. On either side of the Helles-

torian who coolly styles the murderers of Hypatia ανδρες το φρόνημα Evdepμo. At the mention of that injured name, I am pleased to observe a blush even on the cheek of Baronius. (A. D. 415. No. 48.)

e He was deaf to the entreaties of Atticus of Constantinople, and of Isidore of Pelusium, and yielded only (if we may believe Nicephorus, 1. xiv. c. 18.) to the personal intercession of the Virgin. Yet in his last years he still muttered that John Chrysostom had been justly con. demned, (Tillemont. Mem. Eccles. tom. xiv. p. 278-282. Baronius, Annal. Eccles. A. D. 412. No. 46-64.)

f See their characters in the history of Socrates, (1. vii. c. 25-28.) their power and pretensions, in the huge compilation of Thomasin. (Discipline de l'Eglise, tom. i. p. 80-91.)

g His elevation and conduct are described by Socrates, (1. vii. c. 29. 31.) and Marcellinus seems to have applied the loquentiæ satis, sapientiæ parum, of Sallust.

h Cod. Theodos, 1. xvi. tit. v. leg. 65. with the illustrations of Baronius, (A. D. 428. N. 25. &c.) Godefroy, (ad locum) and Pagi. (Critica, tom. ii. p. 208.)

i Isidore of Pelusium, (1. iv. Epist. 57.) His words are strong and scandalous-τι θαυμάζεις, ει και νυν περί πράγμα θείον και λογο κρειτα του διαφωνείν προσποίονται υπο φιλαρχίας εκβακχευομενοι. Isidore is a saint, but he never became a bishop; and I half suspect that the pride of Diogenes trampled on the pride of Plato.

k La Croze (Christianisme des Indes, tom. i. p. 44-53. Thesaurus Epistolicus La Crozianus, tom. iii. p. 276-280.) has detected the use of & dearorne and o supcos Inoous, which, in the fourth, fifth, and sixth centuries, discriminate the school of Diodorus of Tarsus and his Nestorian disciples.

His heresy,

In the Syrian school, Nestorius had been taught to abhor the confusion of A. D. 429–431. the two natures, and nicely to discriminate the humanity of his master Christ from the divinity of the Lord Jesus. The Blessed Virgin he revered as the mother of Christ, but his ears were offended with the rash and recent title of mother of God,' which had been insensibly adopted since the origin of the Arian controversy. From the pulpit of Constantinople, a friend of the patriarch, and afterwards the patriarch himself, repeatedly preached against the use, or the abuse, of a word m unknown to the apostles, unauthorized by the church, and which could only tend to alarm the timorous, to mislead the simple, to amuse the profane, and to justify, by a seeming resemblance, the old genealogy of Olympus." In his calmer moments Nestorius confessed, that it might be tolerated or excused by the union of the two natures, and the communication of their idioms: but he was exasperated, by contradiction, to disclaim the worship of a new-born, an infant Deity, to draw his inadequate similes from the conjugal or civil partnerships of life, and to describe the manhood of Christ as the robe, the instrument, the tabernacle of his Godhead. At these blasphemous sounds, the pillars of the sanctuary were shaken. The unsuccessful competitors of Nestorius indulged their pious or personal resentment, the Byzantine clergy were secretly displeased with the intrusion of a stranger: whatever is super

¡EOTOKOS-Deipara: as in zoology we familiarly speak of oviparous and viviparous animals. It is not easy to fix the invention of this word, which La Croze (Christianisme des Indes, tom i. p. 16.) ascribes to Eusebius of Cæsarea and the Arians. The orthodox testimonies are produced by Cyril and Petavius, Dogmat. Theolog. tom. v. l. v. c. 15. p. 254, &c., but the veracity of the saint is questionable, and the epi thet of BeoToxes se easily slides from the margin to the text of a catho

lic MS.

m Basnage, in his Histoire de l'Eglise, a work of controversy, (tom. i. p. 505.) justifies the mother, by the blood, of God. (Acts xx. 28. with Mill's various readings.) But the Greek MSS. are far from unanimous; and the primitive style of the blood of Christ is preserved in the Syriac version, even in those copies which were used by the christians of St. Thomas on the coast of Malabar. (La Croze, Christianisme des Indes, tom, i. p. 347.) The jealousy of the Nestorians and Monophy. sites has guarded the purity of their text.

c. 216

The pagans of Egypt already laughed at the new Cybele of the christians, (Isidor. 1. i. epist. 54.) a letter was forged in the name of Hypatia, to ridicule the theology of her assassin. (Synodicon, in iv. tom. Concil. p. 484.) In the article of NESTORIUS, Bayle has scattered some loose philosophy on the worship of the Virgin Mary.

The aridors of the Greeks, a mutual loan or transfer of the idioms or properties of each nature to the other-of infinity to man, passibility to God, &c. Twelve rules on this nicest of subjects co pose the Theological Grammar of Petavius. (Dogmata Theolog. tom. v. I. iv. c. 14, 15. p. 209, &c.)

stitious or absurd, might claim the protection of the monks; and the people were interested in the glory of their virgin patroness. The sermons of the archbishop, and the service of the altar, were disturbed by seditious clamour; his authority and doctrine were renounced by separate congregations; every wind scattered round the empire the leaves of controversy; and the voice of the combatants on a sonorous theatre re-echoed in the cells of Palestine and Egypt. It was the duty of Cyril to enlighten the zeal and ignorance of his innumerable monks: in the school of Alexandria, he had imbibed and professed the incarnation of one nature; and the successor of Athanasius consulted his pride and ambition, when he rose in arms against another Arius, more formidable and more guilty, on the second throne of the hierarchy. After a short correspondence, in which the rival prelates disguised their hatred in the hollow language of respect and charity, the patriarch of Alexandria denounced to the prince and people, to the east and to the west, the damnable errors of the Byzantine pontiff. From the east, more especially from Antioch, he obtained the ambiguous counsels of toleration and silence, which were addressed to both parties while they favoured the cause of Nestorius. But the Vatican received with open arms the messengers of Egypt. The vanity of Celestine was flattered by the appeal; and the partial version of a monk decided the faith of the pope, who, with his Latin clergy, was ignorant of the language, the arts, and the theology of the Greeks. At the head of an Italian synod, Celestine weighed the merits of the cause, approved the creed of Cyril, condemned the sentiments and person of Nestorius, degraded the heretic from his episcopal dignity, allowed a respite of ten days for recantation and penance, and delegated to his enemy the execution of this rash and illegal sentence. But the patriarch of Alexandria, whilst he darted the thunders of a god, exposed the errors and passions of a mortal; and his twelve anathemas1 still torture the orthodox slaves, who adore the memory of a saint, without forfeiting their allegiance to the synod of Chalcedon. These bold assertions are indelibly tinged with the colours of the Apollinarian heresy ; but the serious, and perhaps the sincere, professions of Nestorius have satisfied the wiser and less partial theologians of the present times. Yet neither the emperor nor the primate of the east were disposed to June-October. obey the mandate of an Italian priest;

First council of
Ephesus,
A. D. 431.

P See Ducange, C. P. Christiana, 1. i. p. 30, &c.

Concil. tom. iii. p. 943. They have never been directly approved by the church. (Tillemont, Mem. Eccles. tom. xiv. p. 368–372.) I almost pity the agony of rage and sophistry with which Petavius seems to be agitated in the sixth book of his Dogmata Theologica. Such as the rational Basnage, (ad tom. i. Variar. Lection. Canisii in Præfat. c. ii. p. 11-23.) and La Croze, the universal scholar. (Christianisme des Indes, tom. i. p. 16-20, De l'Ethiopie, p. 26, 27. Thesaur. Epist. p. 176, &c. 283. 285. His free sentence is confirmed by that of his friends Jablonski (Thesaur. Epist. tom. i. p. 193-201.) and Mosheim; (idem. p. 304. Nestorium crimine caruisse est et mea sententia;) and three more respectable judges will not easily be found. Asseman, a learned and modest slave, can hardly discern (Bibliothec. Orient. tom. iv. p. 190-224.) the guilt and error of the Nestorians.

The origin and progress of the Nestorian controversy, till the synod of Ephesus, may be found in Socrates, (1. vii. c. 32) Evagrius, (1. i. c. 1, 2.) Liberatus, (Brev. c. 1-4.) the original Acts, (Concil.

and a synod of the catholic or rather of the Greek church was unanimously demanded as the sole remedy that could appease or decide this ecclesiastical quarrel. Ephesus, on all sides accessible by sea and land, was chosen for the place, the festival of Pentecost for the day, of the meeting; a writ of summons was despatched to each metropolitan, and a guard was stationed to protect and confine the fathers till they should settle the mysteries of heaven, and the faith of the earth. Nestorius appeared not as a criminal, but as a judge; he depended on the weight rather than the number of his prelates, and his sturdy slaves from the baths of Zeuxippus were armed for every service of injury or defence. But his adversary Cyril was more powerful in the weapons both of the flesh and of the spirit. Disobedient to the letter, or at least to the meaning, of the royal summons, he was attended by fifty Egyptian bishops, who expected from their patriarch's nod the inspiration of the Holy Ghost. He had contracted an intimate alliance with Memnon bishop of Ephesus. The despotic primate of Asia disposed of the ready succours of thirty or forty episcopal votes; a crowd of peasants, the slaves of the church, was poured into the city to support with blows and clamours a metaphysical argument; and the people zealously asserted the honour of the Virgin, whose body reposed within the walls of Ephesus. The fleet which had transported Cyril from Alexandria was laden with the riches of Egypt; and he disembarked a numerous body of mariners, slaves, and fanatics, enlisted with blind obedience under the banner of St. Mark and the mother of God. The fathers, and even the guards, of the council were awed by this martial array; the adversaries of Cyril and Mary were insulted in the streets, or threatened in their houses; his eloquence and liberality made a daily increase in the number of his adherents; and the Egyptian soon computed that he might command the attendance and the voices of two hundred bishops." But the author of the twelve anathemas foresaw and dreaded the opposition of John of Antioch, who, with a small, though respectable, train of metropolitans and divines, was advancing by slow journeys from the distant capital of the cast. Impatient of a delay which he stigmatized as voluntary and culpable, Cyril announced the opening of the synod sixteen days after the festival of Pentecost. Nestorius, who depended on the near approach of his eastern friends, persisted, like his predecessor tom. iii. p. 551-991. edit. Venise, 1728.) the Annals of Baronius and Pagi, and the faithful collections of Tillemont. (Mem. Eccles. tom. xiv. p. 283-377.)

The christians of the four first centuries were ignorant of the death and burial of Mary. The tradition of Ephesus is affirmed by the synod, (ενθα ο θεολόγος Ιωάννης, και ή θεοτοκος παρθένος ή άγια Mapia. Concil. tom. iii. p. 1102.) yet it has been superseded by the claim of Jerusalem; and her empty sepulchre, as it was shown to the pilgrims, produced the fable of her resurrection and assumption, in which the Greek and Latin churches have piously acquiesced. See Baronius (Annal. Eccles. A. D. 48. No. 6, &c.) and Tillemont. (Mem. Eccles. tom. i. p. 467–477.)

u The Acts of Chalcedon (Concil. tom. iv. p. 1405. 1408.) exhibit a lively picture of the blind, obstinate servitude of the bishops of Egypt to their patriarch.

x Civil or ecclesiastical business detained the bishops at Antioch till the 18th of May. Ephesus was at the distance of thirty days' journey;