I hastened to swear to it, and to command that it should be sworn to and observed in all the kingdom as the fundamental law; and it being also the national wish that this law should be revised and corrected, I immediately convoked the Cortes for the purpose of deliberating respecting this salutary reform." She admitted that the present was a period of great agitation and public disturbance, and that it was almost an impossible task to attend properly to those branches of administration, on which public prosperity and the progress of civilization mainly depended; but her government would do all that the state of things would allow, having constantly in view the importance of making practically known to the inhabitants of every village the advantages of the constitutional sys tem, in order that the productive classes might become identified with the new interests which it created. Great difficulties, arising from the state of the country, stood in the way of making the administration of justice what it ought to be; but government was preparing means for improving it on principles combining the strict responsibility of the judges with their perfect independence. A civil code had already been drawn up, and a criminal code would be presented in due time. In the finances it had been found impossible to bring the income to meet the expenditure; all the interest on the debt, how ever, had been paid; but the treasury would not be able to meet the six months dividend which became due on the ensuing 1st of November. The forced loan was alluded to as a measure which existing circumstances had rendered inevitable, and as being, in fact, the only means which could have been adopted for

the salvation of the country at a period of so much importance. Of the national guards, who had overturned the existing constitu tions, and had laid herself under compulsion, her Majesty said, that they were "the protecting force of the rights of each citizen, the bulwark of liberty and order - the impregnable rampart of our constitution and independence, equally to be feared from their complete armament as from their heroic decision and patriotism." And she spoke in terms of high eulogy of the continued victories of her troops in the field, at the very moment when they could scarcely keep their ground against Don Carlos, and Gomez was marching from one end of the kingdom to the other.

The chamber (for, sitting under the constitution of 1812, there was only one chamber,) voted an address which was entirely an echo of the speech. They then appointed their committees of finance, war, marine, commerce, and a variety of others, among which was a committee to watch over infractions of the constitution. As the queen-mother did not derive her authority, as regent, from any provision of the constitution of 1812, or from any body convoked under that constitution, it was necessary that her powers should be confirmed by a new appointment. On the 26th, a proposition to that effect, signed by sixty-six members, was presented to the Cortes and read a first time. On the second reading being moved, on the day following, it was objected, that the Cortes were already violating the constitution, which required that six days should elapse between a first and second reading, an interval which was the more necessary in the present

case as the great body of the deputies had not yet arrived. The second reading, however, was carried by a large majority, and the proposition was referred to a special committee. That committee reported unanimously in its favour, and the report was adopted by the Cortes almost with equal unanimity; only 6 members out of 130 having voted that the regency should not be confirmed to the queen-mother.

No part of public affairs excited so much dissatisfaction in the Cortes as the conduct of the war, and, above all, the failures of Rodil to prevent the capture of Almaden by Gomez, and to overtake and capture Gomez himself. A motion to declare that Rodil had lost the confidence of the Cortes and of the country, was thrown out on the second reading; but violent speeches were made against him from all parts of the chamber, and suspicions were not spared regarding the motives from which he was acting, or rather from which his inaction proceeded. No less dissatisfaction was expressed regarding the whole conduct and results of the war; and these complaints did not appear to have been unfounded, if it was true, as was stated by Mendizabal in his finance report, 27th October, that the Government was now paying upwards of 200,000 infantry and more than 12,000 cavalry. On the ground that no correct intelligence reached the capital, it was proposed that particular deputies should be sent to each of the armies, in order to obtain accurate information, which might be communicated to the Cortes, and the motion was rejected by a majority of only four votes. A committee was appointed, however, to enquire into the best

means of putting an end to the civil war. They recommended that the political chiefs and the provincial committees for carrying on the national armament, should be authorised to raise men at the expense of their districts, and employ them as they might think necessary. They likewise recommended, that in each province an extraordinary tribunal should be established, for the trial of all political offences; that it should punish capitally, without power of appeal, all persons guilty of corresponding with the rebels, or supporting or favouring their plans; and that the property of

all abettors of Don Carlos should be sequestrated towards payment of the expenses of the war. The Cortes adopted the military plans of the committee, and likewise the appointment of these special tribunals; but the nomination of the members was given to the crown, instead of being vested, as the committee had proposed, in the juntas of armament. The punishment of death in every case was rejected, and the sequestration of property was converted into sequestration merely of the accruing rents and profits.

a

We have already mentioned, that the Cortes met in a state of insolvency, the government having been unable to provide for payment of the dividends, which became due on the 1st of November. In the expectation, that what was called the " glorious victory of Alaix over Gomez, in the end of September, would inspire confidence, the minister had sent M. Durou to London and

Paris, to endeavour to prevail on the creditors to take treasury bills on the duties payable in Cuba. M. Durou,

accordingly, issued a notice at London, on the 15th of October, informing the creditors, that the interest could not be paid, and proposing to them the following plan: "The island of Cuba furnishes annually a considerable revenue to Spain. Recognizances chargeable upon a portion of this revenue will be created by the Spanish government, and given in payment of the above-mentioned dividend on the foreign debt. These recognizances shall be issued for 120, 240, 480, 960, and 1,920 piastres each; they will bear the signature of the queen regent, and the date of September the 24th, and be countersigned by the minister of the finances. Each recognizance will be divided into eight equal sums, bearing interest at five per cent, and payable by instalments, of six months each, beginning from the 1st of May, 1837. These sums, as they become due, will be received at the different customhouses, in the island of Cuba, to the extent of one moiety of such import or export duties as the holders may have to pay."

Gomez, however, instead of being crushed, having only marched deeper into the bowels of the land, M. Mendizabal abandoned the idea of making use of Cuba, and disavowed the plan which had been promulgated by M. Durou as not in conformity to his instructions, even if the government had continued to entertain the principle which lay at the foundation of the proposition. Mendizabal, therefore, proposed to the finance committee of the Cortes, that the coupons of the half year due on the 1st of November, which ought to have

been taken up in money, should be exchanged for bills on the treasury at six and twelve months, bearing interest at five per cent. The committee reported in favour of this scheme; which, however, seemed to be nothing more than an insolvent debtor tendering his own note; and the Cortes passed a bill in the same terms, declaring that "this arrangement is made under the strictest responsibility, that the said bills on the public treasury shall be punctually and religiously paid when they become due." An official notice was, at the same time, given, that the Spanish government would take the measures necessary for commencing, on the 1st of December, the exchange of the coupons for these treasury bills; but when the 1st of December arrived, the Spanish ambassador at Paris, issued a notice, that, to his great regret, it had not been in the power of the government to complete the operations which were necessary to enable it to keep its promise.

Madrid itself was, in the meantime, daily exposed to civil tumult and military insubordination. Restless men, who can make themselves be noticed only by confusion, were labouring in their clubs and secret societies; and the events of the last four months encouraged them in their machinations. During November, various per sons, who were said to be plotting the overthrow of the government and the establishment of a repub lic, were arrested. The military likewise, taught to know their power, by the events of San Ildefonso, were the source of much uneasiness. On the 29th of November, when the colonel of a battalion of the 4th regiment

was entering its barrack, he was greeted by some of the men firing at him, and he was compelled to retire. The regiment then marched out into the streets, shouting for the constitution and the dismissal of the ministers, but returned to their quarters without carrying their revolt any farther. On the following day it was the turn of the same battalion to do duty at the palace. The company, which was to relieve the company upon guard, appeared without any officer at its head; and, the commander of the post to be relieved having refused to give it up, till he saw a proper officer at the head of the relief guard, the latter fired and killed two officers. The insurgents then marched into the streets, drums beating and colours flying; and though they passed a detachment, which was on guard at the post-office, the latter did not venture to interfere with them. Their ranks were swelled by the idle and disorderly mob; and they were joined by many persons, wearing the uniform of the National Guards, although the latter, as a body, appeared at their proper post when called out, and did not seem inclined to give their countenance to the revolt. The captain-general, with his staff, fixed his quarters at the palace for its protection. The other regiments of the garrison showed no disposition to take part with the mutineers; the Great Square, the Puerta del Sol, and other important points were occupied with strong Bodies of troops. Thus matters continued till the morning of the 30th, The government having then received a reinforcement of regular troops, VOL. LXXVIII.

determined to act with greater vigour. The revolted soldiers had now returned to their barracks; they were summoned to surrender, and refused; cannon were brought against them, and after several discharges, they laid down their arms. They were ordered to be decimated, but only three of them were actually shot.

The military were not supposed to have acted merely from their own feelings and opinions, but to have been used as the instruments of concealed political machinators; and this occurrence greatly strengthened the hands of ministers, in a call which they had made upon the Cortes to arm them with extraordinary powers, in order to crush conspiracies, and prevent the overthrow of the government. The nature of the powers thus sought, may be judged of from this, that they not only authorised the arrest and detention of suspected persons, though not in terms of the constitution; but, that one clause of the bill gave power to any four ministers, who might consider any person guilty of conspiring against the safety of the state, to banish him for six months, without any previous trial, or any legal proof being brought against him. It was no wonder that such an enactment should have encountered a violent and obstinate opposition. nisters, however, stated plainly, that it would be impossible for the government to go on, unless it were armed with these powers. The want of them only rendered the daring more audacious; and they had arrived at such a point, that nothing else could secure the continuance of order and tranquillity, or give foreign govern[2 C]

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