get out of it, and leave this country al. The court of Vienna, as Wes as the rest, quitted us in the year 1797, without giving us any tination of what they were mediang, and without shewing more ty than the others. In the far of the German indemnities, no regard was paid to any engagewith us. He then proceeded to serve the probable effects of a new confederacy:-Austria or Ru-sa might be bought off by France Eving to them a part of Turkey. He caled to the recollection of the be the partition of Poland, and Turkey had not yet shared the same fate, it was because that hifer it was not the interest of Fracce that it should. In reply to Wadham, he asked what were Reow to expect by war? (A ciy Lear, hear, from Mr. Fox.) In the last war we had taken every thing which was takeable, and were Content to give them up: we should netan much by taking them over In a free country there was ▲ consideration more important revenue, than resources, than aries or navies; and that was, that the government should possess the arts of the people, (hear, hear,) overnment were to hurry the le into a war, without a most stantial cause; instead of their tns they would merit their ecration. He concluded by exFsing his opinion, that if we Carefully improved our resources, ad cultivated the affections of the pie at large, we had nothing to from the unwieldy power of France; and that the best way of Producing the dissolution of that hty power was to leave it to it Gen. Gascoyne supported the address, and hoped that the language and spirit shewn in this debate would shew the feelings of the country, and deter the first consul from the prosecution of his designs. Mr. Elliot declared he was so unused to speak in that house, that nothing but his strong feeling of the situation of the country could overcome his personal embarassment. He thought it was necessary that the house and the country should. thoroughly be acquainted with the dangers which threaten, in order that all precautions which human prudence could suggest, might be taken to avert the evil, and that we might meet it with becoming firm ness. Experience had shewn us that France in time of peace could conquer, as well as in war. -States had fallen, and even the Germanic empire had been overturned in time of acknowledged and profound peace. A new revolution had taken place in Europe, by the dissolution of that august body, which was full of political and moral evil. When we saw property, titles, and honours overthrown; when we saw corporations, both spiritual and civil, destroyed; sovereign princes transferred from one dominion to another; and subjects separated from their legitimate rulers; could we witness these scenes without feeling that all the opinions, habits, principles, and prejudices, which constitute the foundation of civil government and social order, were shaken to their basis? This was all done by France, in confederation with Russia and Prussia, without any communication with our court, or with Austria, the acknowledged head of the empire, mercial rivality, much had been said of British capital and credit, and perhaps not enough of French power and energy. The same causes which had rendered France so formidable in war, would have the same influence when directed to the enterprizes of commerce. If gentlemen relied on our surplus, four millions; he could say, France had four hundred thousand bayonets. and if not well resisted, the richer we are, the better for the robber." He concluded a long and very able speech, by expressing his opinion, that if we were now obliged again to go to war, it would not be for our honor, or for any of those interests which form a legitimate cause of war; but it would be for the existence of the empire itself, and he hoped that from the spirit of the people, we might look forward to a favourable result. The records of tyranny had furnished no instance of a more foul, flagrant, and unprovoked aggression on the rights and liberties of a brave, innocent, and injured people, than the conduct of France towards Switzerland exhibited. Switzerland was principally important to Europe, as being the barrier to Germany; but we suffered Germany to be partitioned, and then we feebly interposed for Switzer-"The armed robber is at the door, land. The power of France increased with accumulated rapidity, but her principles remained the same, as did her system of fraud, violence, and insult. Had we forgot that while our ambassador was at Amiens, she had siezed the most flourishing portions of Italy? Did they remember how they had been imposed upon with respect to the limits of Portugueze Guiana? How we had been deceived about the isle of Elba, and the trick which had been practised on the Turkish minister at Paris? The peace was allowed to be only an experiment, and yet ministers acted as if the experiment had succeeded: they reduced our armies and our flects, without waiting to see whether France was pacific in her dispositions or not. He then alluded to the conduct of the French Government in the instance of Napper Tandy, and in countenancing a new English paper in Paris, (the Argus) directly levelled against the British government. As to the prosperity of our commerce, notwithstanding the prohibitions of France, although it was true we might carry on a considerable contraband trade, yet that must be done in neutral vessels, which would hurt considerably our shipping interest. In this com Sir Francis Burdett allowed that France now presented a spectacle which England could not look on without dismay, but he thought it extraordinary that a right hon. gentleman yesterday should have pointed out, with an air of triumph, those dangers into which he himself had conducted us, in conjunction with his colleagues in office. It is an extraordinary course he recommends for avoiding those dangers, to put ourselves again under the guidance of those men who brought us before into danger, and to pursue the same measures which have produced this effect. The power of France is formidable, but it is owing to the war, and the mode it was conducted, that she has been placed in that situation. When the combined despots of Europe Eure pressed upon her on every side, no alternative remained but victory or unconditional submission, and therefore she was obliged to Fake exertions beyond what human power would have been supposed capable of. He only objected to two expressions in the address. One appeared as if we were watching for another opportunity to interfere in the azairs of the continent, which d. in his opinion, be most unwise, if we really intended it, and acle vapouring, if we did not in read it. He also objected to that ich had been stated respecting what ministers called the union with Ireland, but which he rather ght should be called subjugat; the only effect that resulted mediately from it was, the reinbeing the ministerial phalanx, which was before too strong, As what an hon, gentleman had said about jacobins, the word jacobin ad been so universally employed, that he really was at a loss to unce and the meaning of it, or to who was a jacobin, Another gentleman had seemed to think that the safety of the state dependthe return of another right gentleman into office. For part, he thought that gentle's character was described in passage: "Satis eloquentiæ, atie parum." A little less ence, and a little more wiswould have spared the state many misfortunes, Mr. Johnstone, in supporting the attress, approved of the conduct ministers, whom he was very Ty to see deserted by their former friends, while they were opposed by such formidable abilities. was most evident that endeavours were making to remove them from office, He concluded by recommending moderation and patience, rather than precipitancy and rashness; and quoted an opinion of Machiavel, "that there are evils which are more easily removed by time than violence." Earl Temple severely animadverted on that part of the hon. baronet's speech, in which the present power of France was ascribed to a combination of despots. While those despots acted with this country, they were the objects of the hon, baronet's spleen and invective, but now that the despotism of Europe is united in one hand, and directed against this country, it was no longer the subject of his invectives. He must most flatly deny the imputation, that " he and his friends would prefer war at any rate, before peace upon any terms." They only wished to open the eyes of the people, to shew them how their dignity suffered; how their interests were impaired, and how impossible it was to look for safety in war, or security in peace, under an administration like the present, Instead of being able to secure us from the impending storm, they would serve as conductors (though blunt ones) to draw down the lightenings which were to consume us. He considered the address as a mawkish mixture of pretended firmness and conciliation. As far as it thanks heaven for the abundant harvest, it should have his cordial concurrence." General Maitland said, there never was a time when our military establishments were on so high a footing as at present. He was not afraid of our commerce being destroyed C 4 destroyed by the tyrannical power of Bonaparte. On the contrary, he thought commerce could only flourish in a free country, and the effects of the tyrannical government of France would be only to crush it in that country. He could not approve of a renewal of the war, being convinced that France would do as it had done before, and make some neighbouring state pay for all the losses she might sustain in a contest with this country. The secretary of war (Mr. Yorke) expressed astonishment that any gentleman should say we had no army, and had laid aside our navy; when, in fact, we had a greater efficient force than we ever possessed in peace, or even for many years of the last war. The diminution is only of the militia and of several corps who were enlisted only to serve during the war Our army was not only respectable in numbers, but its discipline and organization were such as would enable it to be rapidly increased, to a point that would make it not very desirable to any foreign force to meddle with it. He was very glad to hear a noble lord (lord Temple) avow in a manly way, that the object of his friends was to obtain a change of the administration, and that they thought they would make better ministers than the present. If they should succeed, if their administration was not a mawkish one, it would probably not be without a considerable share of insolence. The present ministers came into power without cabal or intrigue; it must be acknowledged that they had given peace to the country, and that it had suffered no calamity at their hands. Mr. Fox had heard, with lively satisfaction, the warm eloquence of the youthful lord, he had heard with pleasure the avowal of the object, and conclusion of his arguments; and now found that all the imagery which had adorned the speeches of the noble lord and his friends, went only to a change of ministry, by substituting a part of the late administration for the present. That being the case, if those gentlemen were restored to office, the only consequence he expected from it would be, that we should get rid of all their warlike speeches. As to the gentlemen who now are ministers, if they have drawn a gloomy picture of the country, for the purpose of arming beyond what was necessary, he considered such lavish and wanton profusion of the resources of the country, as great a crime as ministers could well be guilty of, and such as would justify their removal; but it would be too much to join the noble lord, who merely found fault with the administration as a mawkish one, and wished for another. Although he had hitherto supported the present ministers from their conduct, he was by no means disposed to approve of the manner in which they came into office. The late ministers assigned a certain principle as the cause of their removal. present ministers came in upon a contrary principle, and to prevent the extension of their rights to a great portion of his majesty's subjects, he could by no means approve of their manner of com ing into office. As to the suppo sition of a right hon. gentlema (Mr.Windham), on a former night of a man rising from the dead, and inquiring If the inrairing about the fate of the diffeceat nations of Europe, and finding that all but England had fallen er the power of France; to this sation he would answer by a quest. Would not this man have as asked who were the ministers of Eagand, when all those changes hpened? If it be asked what wer the measures which have ren It de France so formidable? ay be answered, she was forced by ur menaces and attacks to make extraordinary exertions; and alh the spirit raised in France has, in a great measure, subsided; yet, the impulse being once given, she was enabled to continue in the e career. He was no advocate for France, but agreed with an hon. gentleman (Gen. Gascoygne), that there were many things which we dislike, but which time would more to cure than violence. He then.considered what had been called agressions on the part of France, As to the affair of the German indemnities, every body knew there was no other way of effecting them but by secularizations. As to Switand, it was in the absolute posBeston of France, both at the signing of the treaties of Luneville and Amiens; and as to Piedmont, the nly change has been, that instead of the the 29th Military DepartHeat, it is now called Department of the Po, or some such name. England can never have a military force equal to France, but she might make up for that inferiority by a superior navy, and by a systematic economy, which would enable us to remedy that military deficiency. The treaty of Amiens recognized France as a mighty empire, and therefore the greatness which was then acknowledged, cannot now be a ground of quarrel. After the experience of the last ten years, he did not hope much from connexions with German princes; and he did not think it generous always to be holding out to France that Austria was the power on whom we relied for curbing its ambition. If we had a right to be jealous of the military power of France, Frenchmen had also a right to be jealous of our great naval superiority. As to the language of the French newspapers, he did not think that was a ground of war, our own were perhaps equally irritating. Some gentlemen appeared to think it aggression on the part of France to cut a canal, or improve her harbours, and advise war, merely to prevent the rivality of French commerce; for his part he had no such dread of the rivality of French commerce, and considered peace at least as safe as war. As to our commerce being supposed to have somewhat declined since the war, if that was the case, and such an argument could be listened to, the argument would go for being eternally at war. Such were his reasons for supporting the address, and differing from the opinions of a right hon. gentleman (Mr. Windham.) Mr. Archdall replied to the observations which had been made by Sir Francis Burdett, respecting the state of Ireland. Mr. Windham eloquently supported the opinions he had maintained on a former night. He insisted that this country had gained by the war, as she had preserved her constitution and her independence, and at least restrained within the bounds of Europe, the |