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After some farther conversation, and mutual explanations, the bill was read a third time and passed.

In the house of lords, this bill was further debated, on the 21st --and 22d of December; but to follow

the order of time, we think it better first to present an abstract of two important debates which took place in the house of lords, on the 13th and 15th of the same month, upon the malt duty bill. On the first of those days; when the question that the malt duty bill should be read a first time, was put,

Earl Spencer reminded the house, that this was the first bill of supply, which had been offered to their alty. lordships' consideration, in this first e mo- parliament which had been called a tead- since the union; he therefore recess; thought they should hesitate in letsuch ting it pass a single stage, before ve been they had received more information Pe session. as to the state of the country. It o the bill, had been customary at every former servation period, to lay more precise information before parliament, of the state of the country with respect to its foreign relations, than had been done at the opening of the present session. He thought it strange that those ministers who made the peace, and had given such strong assurances ofits continuance, should now demand such a large establish ment, without assigning sufficien st the way it reasons. He had heard it whisper of ash however, ed, that it was partly through fea webed was agreed of orienta; France, that the usua decoded of the excommunications had not been mad ;; cow the persons to paritament; if this were true xx vis et accipt of and rumsters had allowed them Cox evaders of pars seives to be influenced by such un macy should be disquas mortay considerations, they did no

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deserve to retain their situations a single hour. It had been, however, supposed that they were governed by that principle, both in the affair Napper Tandy, and of Count D'Auvergne.

Lord Pelham said, that in the later instance, the French government had released Count D'Auverge as soon as application had beea made for that purpose by the British minister; and the conduct government with respect to Napper Tandy, was occasioned by cirCumstances very different from a fear of offending France.

The earl of Carlisle supported the opinion which had been given by earl Spencer.

The duke of Norfolk differed from both the noble earls. He ght the circumstances of the times were notorious enough, to justify ministers in proposing an acreased establishment. The cir

amstances of the times were now different from those times, in which it was necessary to inform priment, of what otherwise they

not know.

Lord Limerick justified the conCat of his majesty's ministers; he

crown to demand such supply, and state its reasons, before parliament voted it. The house had now no information that could warrant them in granting extraordinary supplies; they could not even guess whether ministers intended to keep Malta and the Cape of Good Hope, or to surrender them; and therefore could form no opinion about the probability of immediate war.

The lord chancellor replied, that the present bill was not for an extraordinary supply, but one of the usual supply bills, brought in at the beginning of every session. lie contended, that public notoriety was a sufficient ground for parliamentary proceeding: he could not pretend to state positively, the words used by any other of his majesty's ministers: but he could positively say, that he never was of opinion that the peace was an advantageous one; but it was still better than continuing the war without object or possible advantage.

After a few explanations between the lord chancellor and lord Gren

ville, the bill was read a first time.

On the 15th, when the bill came to be read a second time, the debate was resumed in a more formal manner.

ht peace had been necessary the recovery of our strength, and hoped before war was renewed, the disturbances which had existed read would be at an end, and ple of that country reconto the mild government and stitution of the country. Lord Grenville thought the house proceed no farther in a sup- be voted, were principally reduced without information from to three heads: first, he objected , as to the causes which to the manner, as being to be raised or an extraordinary supply. without that communication from ad been the invariable usage the crown to parliament which was the last hundred years, for the usual and necessary: secondly, he

Earl Spencer addressed their lordships at very considerable length, on the ground that he had before touched upon. His objections to the establishments, for which the supply of the year was to

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objected to the extent of these establishments; for if it were necessary

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warmth declared, that he would sooner suffer death upon the spot than hear the conduct of the lat administration aspersed upon tha head without confutation. If i was criminal, he was as deeply cri minal as they, and the only reaso for pursuing a different conduc now, was, that the country was un der different circumstances. H also approved of the conduct of th late administration during the wa and had always supported it: th peace had been approved of by the great character, whom the oppose of the bill had so highly respected (Mr. Pitt) and he was much su prised to hear the same noble lord who so highly admired that exalte character, express opinions so ves different. With respect to the pro sent situation of Europe, he felt a an Englishman must feel, but woul consider it inconsistent with his du ty, to give any detailed informatio upon the subject.

to have 130,000 soldiers, besides The lord chancellor with grea our militia and volunteers, 50,000 scamen could not be sufficient; and his majesty's ministers were blamcable in reducing the number from 70,000 to 50,000: thirdly, he objected to the probable application of such a force, from a firm conviction, that the present administration had not sufficient judgment and energy of character, to use such a force to advantage. At a time when France was every day extending her empire and her resources, ministers had disbanded our army, and diminished the number of seamen in employment. He declared, he agreed perfectly with a noble friend of his (lord Temple) that in an administration he looked to the men, as well as the measures: as to measures, every body would allow, that buying a good gun was a good measure for the defence of a house; but it was an important consideration to whom this gun should be entrusted. If we are at sea at a time of impending danger, it would be well to hear that the ship was sound; but it would be full as important to hear that the pilot was skilful.

The earl of Suffolk condemned the conduct of the late administration in the whole of the war; and praised that of the present administration, whom he thought deserving of the confidence and support of the nation; and who should therefore receive his support and confidence. He alluded then, to the conduct of the late administration, with respect to confining persons for a long time, whom they suspected of treasonable practices,

The earl of Carlisle said, h principal objection to the establis ment proposed was, that it was be voted altogether on the cred of the minister; which was a d gree of confidence not to be four on the records of parliament. I was not guided in his opposition this, by any paltry motive of obtai ing place or power; but if in t hands of other ministers, the ar bition of Bonaparte was likely receive a greater check; if t tone and spirit of the country we more likely to be supported, und the management of men of great talents, and men of more elevat minds; in such case, he wished

the government of the country the hands of such men. He herefore voted against the bill. The earl of Darnley expressed doubts, whether such a force had been proposed, could be sily trusted in the hands of the present ministers: he considered the ambition of Bonaparte to be so patic, that he would never be sate, til he forced the doors of ak of England with his legion onor, and planted his flag upon the tower of London. Against such enemy, he thought, this country cald employ its ablest ministers. Lord Hobart denied that go ment had compromised the of the country, either in the of Switzerland; or in any her respect. He stated that a Pater force than that which was emanded had been entrusted isters in 1801: he complainthat some noble lords who had Fed an active, constant, and support to the present adtran, had on the contrary, red them with an active, conat and zealous opposition; increased in proportion, as gained the confidence of the Filic. The duke of Norfolk, expressed prize at the opposition of members of the late adminis, to the present measure: person who was at the head of &ministration, resigned his Naba at a period which called the exertion of his great talents: are that the conclusion of e had given general satisfac: and that the majority of the wished for its continuance. oncluded by declaring his conence in the present administra

Lord Grenville commenced an. animated, and very able speech, by denying that he or any of his noble friends wished to stop the supplies: they wished, that accordingwith parliamentary usage, a message might be sent from his majesty to the house, to inform them of the causes for which an increased supply was necessary. Such a message might be sent down the next day, and then there would be no delay in passing the bill: at present the house was ignorant whether the establishment proposed was for peace, for war, or for preparations of war. There were abundant precedents of the line of conduct which ought to have been pursued. George the first, did not hesitate to tell his parliament in the first speech from the throne, after the conclusion of a peace, that the peace was insecure and precarious. In such a case, parliament knew what they were about, in voting the military establishments. As to a charge of inconsistency, brought by the noble secretary (lord Hobart) against him and his friends; he must reply, that he supported the present ministers, as long as he could approve their conduct. It was not till after

the convention with Russia and the peace of Amiens, that he found himself obliged, in honor, to withdraw that support. After those events, he had no confidence in the wisdom of their councils. He did not wish to pry into the arcana of government, or secrets of the state; but he, and every noble lord who heard him, were constitutionally entitled to those proper communications, which had been heretofore uniformly made. The power of France had, since the peace, been

regularly

regularly increasing; while that of this country had been impaired. He had a right to ask ministers the reason of this change of system, or to infer, that they had hitherto acted in a most unwise and impolitic system. He considered the idea of waiting for the changes which time might bring about, as completely ridiculous.

The lord chancellor expressed his regret, that ministers had lost the confidence of the noble lord. Were he at liberty to declare the circumstances which governed the conduct of ministers, in the measures they had adopted; he was convinced the noble lord would agree with him, that they were influenced by the best considerations fer the prosperity of the empire.

Lord Peiliam rose for the purpose of replying to some points of lord Grenville's speech. He thought, that if in his lordship's opinion, the present ministers were so unworthy of confidence; it would have been his lordship's duty to go further than in making speeches in opposition; he ought to have moved an address to his majesty for their remeval. He had never coveted office; he assumed it with no other view than for the service of his country, in a critical and awial period. He acted to the best of his judgment, and did not wish to hoid his situation a moment lenger than he enjoyed the confidence of his country. He concluded by stating, that no charges of incapacity in ministers, could be a reasea for not passing the present bili.

Lord Minto agreed in the cfections that had been made by ot, er nobie Lords, to votes of supply, or their being offered to the neuse

without the usual information. I strongly suspected, that the hon of the country had been compi mised with respect to Switzerla He believed it was after a remo strance made on the part of t country, that Switzerland was vaded; and yet ministers ne gave any information to parliam upon this subject, though of asked for it.

The bill was then read a secc time and committed.

On the 21st of December, bill for appointing naval com sioners, was introduced into house of lords, by lord Pelham.

Lord Nelson warmly suppor it, principally on the intolera difficulties that naval men now i in getting their prize money.

The lord chancellor wished full time to consider a bill, that peared to depart from that princi of law by which no man is obli to criminate himself.

The bill however was read a and second time without further position. On the question being une day following for its commit

The duke of Clarence, who c sidered the bill not only unnece ry but mischievous, moved a amendment, that it should be c mitted this day three months.

The lord chancellor, however, posed this motion, but called the peculiar attention of their 1 ships to the clauses of the bill, w it should be committed.

The house then went into a c mittee, and proposed an am ment, to protect persons from t obed to answer any ques which might criminate themse The amendment was adopted, the bill was passed.

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