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cause has been of late removed, the effects ftill remain. And, if a people bred to one trade cannot well take up another, much lefs can a people bred in idleness turn to handicrafts at all. A new generation must arife before the relaxation of the above restraints can produce manufacturers.

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fummer; where if they got money, as mowers and reapers, they generally got the ague. Those were the fuccefsful emigrants who were advanced to coal-heaving and carrying of fedans.

Let us now contraft this view, fummary though it be, to that of Ulfter, and it will not appear lefs juft. Ulfter, though the moft northerly, mountainous, and barren, is, nevertheless, the most populous, cultivated and affluent province of the kingdom. There, no fuch disturbances, as rage in Munfter, are ever heard of; though it abounds with agitators, who labour to excite difcontents and commotions. But, there, the people have full employment for their industry. There, they have the linen manufacture, and there, they had the linen manufacture, as their ftaple, fo early as the reign of Queen Elizabeth: as I could prove from undoubted records, were this a place for it; though it is affigned a much later date. The north is the fituation in Ireland most congenial to it. There, is the fuel at the foot of almost every hill for the spinner, and, there, are the frequent falls of water for the bleacher. There, tithes, though they are the occafion of grumbling converfations, are not felt as a grievance; because there, as every where elfe, their value is never paid, and the people generally fee that, if they were abolished, the landlord would raise his land more than they pay for the tithes of them. The grievance, there, is the price of land, which being fet in small parcels to the weavers and other manufacturers, they pay their high rents more from their trades than from the produce of their ill-cultivated lands.

However, the South is the part of Ireland by nature destined for the woollen manufacture, and it appears from unquestionable documents, that it had early availed itfelf of its advantages, and that in the last century (as we have fhewn) it had made exports of it to a confiderable amount, for the time. And evident it must be that it was the difcouragements, both internal and external, it fuffered after, and indeed before, the revolution, which must be affigned as the great and original fource of all thofe evils, which had reduced that fine country to a state much worse than it is at prefent. For already it difplays the nafcent effects of a free trade and a wife internal regulation. Though Dean Tucker advised England to grant Ireland a free trade, &c. upon this liberal principle, that it never could be of any ufe to it.

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The American war increased the evils incident to restricted trade and fuppreffed manufactures. non-importation of English commodities was agreed to in Ireland, and fanctioned by the oaths of most of the dealers in thofe goods, in order to compensate for the rigour of the laws by a home confumption But, notwithstanding fome unemployed hands were thus fet to work, England was obliged to remit money for the fupport of the military establishment.

To this circumftance the lord-lieutenant in his speech from the throne, October 1779, alludes in the following words: "I have it expressly in com"mand from his majefty to affure you, that the "cares and folicitudes infeparable from a state of "hoftility, have not prevented him from turning his "royal mind to the interefts and diftreffes of this "kingdom with the most affectionate concern; of "which the money remitted to this country for its de

fence, when England had every reason to appre"hend a moft formidable and immediate attack, "affords a moft convincing proof."

The commons, in their addrefs to the throne, take occafion to declare, that it is not by temporary expedients, but by a free trade alone that this nation is now to be faved from impending ruin. And,

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* This was no new idea, (or expreffion upon the spur of the occafion) as was fuggefted at the time by party writers, who always difguife and difgrace the truth: it was the fettled fentiment of the wifeft and beft men in the country, long before this requifition was made in parliament. It appears from a letter of the fecretary Sir Richard Heron, that Lord Pery, the then Speaker, had expreffed his opinion to him a year before, that "Ireland cannot be effentially benefitted by any thing fhort of a free commerce.” And it would be doing injuftice to the adminiftration of Lord Buckinghamshire not to recite his fentiments, communicated to Lord North, in March 1778, foon after the appointment of Commiffioners to treat with the American colonies, at the request of his majefties principal fervants, and other gentlemen who had uniformly

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foon after, both houfes of parliament resolved, that their thanks be given to the feveral volunteer corps, for their spirited exertions, at this time fo neceffary, in defence of their country.

Before we go farther it must be observed, that this army of citizens had fuddenly fprung up, not (as is erroneously supposed) without the fanction of government. The occafion was this: a formidable invafion being expected, and the coaft of Ireland being every where deftitute of protection, the corporation of Belfast presented a memorial to the lordlieutenant, requesting the aid of a military force. In answer to which the Secretary gave them to understand, that no adequate affiftance could then be fpared, and that they must provide for their own defence: but in order to enable them more effectually to do so, they were furnished with feveral thoufand stands of arms; and the governors of counties were every where ordered to open their stores, and

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uniformly and fteadily supported his majesty's measures in this parliament, to submit their earneft request that whatever privileges and advantages in trade fhall be granted to the Colonies, if the conciliatory plan fhall take effect, may be extended to Ireland, and that the Colonies may not in any respect be put upon a better footing than Ireland.”

In different converfations, fays his Excellency, which have paffed between me and fome of the ableft men here, concerning the trade of this kingdom, I have been thoroughly convinced that an enlargement of it may in many inftances become abfolutely neceffary for its fupport, as well to enable it to answer the many drains to which it is annually fubject, particularly to Great Britain, as to make provifion for the expences of his majesty's government, which of late years have in every branch been increased to a confiderable amount. And I am perfuaded that the wealth and advantage proceeding from fuch enlargement of trade, would not only redound to the benefit of Great Britain, but that in return, his majesty may expect the utmost efforts of his fubjects in this kingdom, in fupport of his government, and for the general fervice of the British empire; I have therefore made no difficulty in complying with their requeft, that I would reprefent this ftate as the general fenfe of the country to your Lordship."

fupply fuch as were willing to take up arms and use them in defence of their country*.

However, the addrefs of the house of commons, and the non-importation agreement, fo declarative of the fenfe of the armed affociations, had their weight in the deliberations of the British legislature. Lord North expatiated on the expediency of complying with the requifition of the Irish parliament; and, to induce the nation more readily to acquiefce in the grant of a free trade, he represented it as a boon refumeable at pleasure: and, accordingly, the navigation act and other English acts reftricting the trade of Ireland were relaxed. N. B. That would have been the season for a prime minifter of England to have offered Ireland a legislative union and a thorough incorporation of interests.

But the Irish nation foon faw how precarious their tenure might be of the ground they had gained. It at once occurred to them, that nothing less than a free government of their own would regulate their commerce, fo as to be productive of that profperity they aspired to. On the 9th of June 1780, the Dublin volunteers, the duke of Leinfter in the chair, came to the following refolutions: "That "the king, lords, and commons of Ireland only are

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competent to make laws binding the fubjects of "this realm; and that we will not obey or give "operation to any laws, fave only thofe enacted by the king, lords, and commons of Ireland; "whose

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It does not belong to this sketch, to go farther into the rife and progrefs of the Volunteer Army of Ireland, than to exhibit the spirit of an affociation entered into for internal defence, and perfevered in as a means of redreffing thofe grievances which the nation complained of, as well from the affumed fupremacy of the British parliament, as from the inefficiency of its own, either for external or internal regulation. They talk of Volunteers in Wexford and Kilkenny, fo early as the years 1766 and 1770, but thofe fmall bodies of men, affociated upon principles very different from thofe we have pointed out.

"whose rights and privileges, jointly and feve"rally, we are determined to fupport with our "lives and fortunes." *

On the 28th of December 1781, the officers and delegates of the firft Ulfter regiment, commanded by the Earl of Charlemont, met at Armagh, and after fome harsh expreffions against parliamentary corruption, came to the refolution of inviting every volunteer affociation of Ulfter, to meet in the most central town of the province. And accordingly they published, in the newspapers, their invitation for a meeting at Dungannon, on the 15th of February 1782. The measure was generally difapproved of, at the time, by the best friends of the country, and by none more (as I have heard) than by the truly noble commander of the regiment. But, as the dye was caft, he could only play his men to the best advantage. Accordingly, this worthy Earl, (who has fince given another inftance of his fignal prudence, in moderating the zeal of these popular meetings) called together fome of his ableft friends, and with them digefted refolutions for this formidable affemblage.

On the 15th of February 1782, the representatives of one hundred and forty-three corps of volunteers of the province of Ulfter, held at Dungannon, came, among others, to the following refolutions:"That a citizen by learning the ufe of arms, does

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not abandon any of his civil rights :-That a "claim of any body of men, other than the king, "lords and commons of Ireland, to make laws to "bind this kingdom, is unconstitutional, illegal, and "a grievance:That the powers exercifed by the privy council of both kingdoms, under any colour

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*We go no farther back than this meeting, though fimilar refolutions had long before been entered into in other quarters of the kingdom; but here they were fanctioned by the premier Nobleiman of the nation.

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