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A History of the People of the United States: From the Revolution ..., Volum 5
John Bach McMaster
Uten tilgangsbegrensning - 1901
A History of the People of the United States: From the Revolution ..., Volum 1
John Bach McMaster
Uten tilgangsbegrensning - 1891
A History of the People of the United States: From the Revolution ..., Volum 4
John Bach McMaster
Uten tilgangsbegrensning - 1895
Adams American appeal attempt authority began bill Britain British called canal cause charge citizens Clay committee common Congress considered Constitution convention Court District dollars duty election electors England English established Executive existence five followed force foreign four friends Georgia give given Government Governor hand held House hundred importance independence interests Jackson Journal judges labor land Legislature letter manufactures March matter means meeting ment negro never North Ohio once opinion Panama party passed Pennsylvania persons Philadelphia political present President principles protection published question received Representatives resolution Review river schools secure Senate sent session slave slavery society South Spain taken tariff thousand tion took town Union United Virginia vote Washington West York
Side 44 - In the discussions to which this interest has given rise and in the arrangements by which they may terminate the occasion has been judged proper for asserting, as a principle in which the rights and interests of the United States are involved, that the American continents, by the free and independent condition which they have assumed and maintain, are henceforth not to be considered as subjects for future colonization by any European powers.
Side 43 - The question presented by the letters you have sent me, is the most momentous which has ever been offered to my contemplation since that of Independence. That made us a nation, this sets our compass and points the course which we are to steer through the ocean of time opening on us.
Side 27 - I repeat it, therefore, let those engagements be observed in their genuine sense. But in my opinion it is unnecessary, and would be unwise to extend them. Taking care always to keep ourselves, by suitable establishments, on a respectable defensive posture, we may safely trust to temporary alliances for extraordinary emergencies.
Side 328 - In the four quarters of the globe, who reads an American book? or goes to an American play? or looks at an American picture or statue?
Side 43 - Our first and fundamental maxim should be, never to entangle ourselves in the broils of Europe; our second, never to suffer Europe to intermeddle with cisatlantic affairs.
Side 45 - It is impossible that the Allied Powers should extend their political system to any portion of either continent without endangering our peace and happiness ; nor can any one believe that our southern brethren, if left to themselves, would adopt it of their own accord. It is equally impossible, therefore, that we should behold such interposition, in any form, with indifference.
Side 27 - Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation ? Why quit our own to stand upon foreign ground ? Why, by interweaving our destiny with that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of European ambition, rivalship, interest, humor, or caprice?
Side 27 - The great rule of conduct for us, in regard to foreign nations, is, in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as little political connection as possible.
Side 394 - ... if the whole Legislature, an event to be deprecated, should attempt to overleap the bounds prescribed to them by the people, I, in administering the public justice of the country, will meet the united powers at my seat in this tribunal and, pointing to the constitution, will say to them, here is the limit of your authority, and hither shall you go, but no further.