evidence that they wanted. Above all, the supremacy of the law should be acknowledged, and the sacred principle enforced that he who asks equity must do equity. If an outsider can solve railroad disputes,-the most intricate that arise in any business, -Board of Trade issues can be settled as easily. Those who desire to prevent gambling and plundering from becoming the chief ends of the Exchanges can do nothing more useful than to bring them back within the jurisdiction of the law. The courts have disciplined the Common Carrier for generations; it is time to bring the Common Trader within the fold. None but national regulation will do this effectually. If New York attempts to control the evil, it will emigrate to Chicago, and Illinois could only drive it to St. Louis. When capitalists combine irresistibly against the people, the Government, which is the people's combination, must take them in hand. One of the unmistakable signs of the inability of the legislative committee that recently investigated corners in New York to grasp their subject was their failure to see anything out of the way in the attitude of the Exchanges toward the law. Dr. Drysdale, of London, at the last session of the Social Science Congress, pointed out how the death rate rose with scarcity of food. The mean age of the rich in England, at the time of death, is fifty-five; among the poor it is not thirty. The death rate among the children of the comfortable classes is eighty in a thousand; among the working people of Manchester and Liverpool it is three hundred in a thousand. Dr. Farr shows that the death rate of England decreases three per cent. when wheat declines two shillings a quarter. As food grows dear, typhus grows plenty. Scarcer bread means more crime. An increase of one larceny to every hundred thousand inhabitants comes with every rise of two farthings in the price of wheat in Bavaria. The enemies of the men who corner wheat and pork could wish for no heavier burden on their souls than that they should be successful. As wheat rises, flour rises; and when flour becomes dear, through manipulation, it is the blood of the poor that flows into the treasury of the syndi cate. Such money costs too much. The following from the records of the Chicago market shows how the wheat corners of the last four years have enhanced the price of bread. The coincidence is doubly significant, because flour is not one of the speculative commodities of the Board. It is bought and sold only for use. But its prices are glued to the speculative quotations of wheat: THE CORNER OF 1879. Wheat lowest, January, 8112; highest, December, $1.33. THE CORNER OF 1881. Wheat lowest, February, 9618; highest, October, $1.43. THE APRIL CORNER OF 1882. Wheat highest, April, $1.42; falling to 9134 in November. The return of the price after the corner does not fill the stomachs that have been pinched for months. Every moment the corner lasts there is a mouthful of food the less for the laboring man. Every hour of its continuance some child in Pittsburg or Manchester grows more faint, and every day hundreds of little hands let go another finger from the slippery edge of existence. One of the iron manufacturers of the West, President O. W. Potter, of the North Chicago Rolling Mills, the employer of many thousands of men, when questioned in May about the strike of iron-workers, then believed to be impending, and promising to be the worst that had yet taken place in this country, said: "The laborers oppose the reduction of wages for the very good reason that they cannot live upon any lower wages. And that is true. They cannot stand the reduction with the high price of living. There are some things that are not to be talked about in public that bring this about, and one of them is the cornering of food on the Board of Trade. A few men manipulate the foods of the workingmen, and create a corner in wheat and meats, and the laborer has to pay the increased cost. They turn the screws, and up go the prices a notch or two. And they may let up so that the market goes down a little; but all the time a few men are making money, and the laborer gets no better fare and pays no lower price for the necessaries of life. I am apprehensive of the results that all this will bring about, and there is more anxiety in certain quarters about the future than people dare to imagine.” Carlyle has handed down Louis XV. to us as "the great regrater of bread." The sweetest epitaph on any tomb is on the stone to the memory of Sir Robert Peel: "He gave the poor cheap bread." The Carlyle who hunts through the newspapers of this generation, for the history of its people, will dig the regraters of our Boards of Trade and Produce Exchanges out of their obscurity, to write against their names: "They made bread dear." HENRY D. LLOYD. WOMAN IN POLITICS. MORE than a quarter of a century ago a strong and determined effort was begun to obtain for woman a coördinate influence and power with man in the management of her own individual affairs and in the regulation of those of the public at large. Originating with members of the female sex, the movement was at first confined to a limited portion of the United States, and was conducted by a few advanced and perhaps abnormally constituted women, to whom in a short time were united a half dozen men of similar tendencies and characteristics. One of the principal objects of many of the women appeared to be to make themselves look as much as possible like men. They cut their hair short, parted it on one side, and displayed longings for short frocks and trousers. Strange to say, the men who affiliated with them exhibited inclinations toward femininity. They wore their hair long, parted it in the middle, and donned coats the skirts of which almost touched their heels. Both sexes of this advance guard were, however, of one accord in their abuse of the average man and woman. The first they professed to regard as a tyrant and a monster, to be held up to execration for his wickedness, while the other was a faint-hearted slave, in whom thousands of years of captivity had annihilated the overwhelming mental and physical vigor she had originally possessed, and who now for her abject subserviency to her oppressor was entitled only to the scorn and contempt of her more enlightened and progressive sisters and brothers. At first the attempt to emancipate woman from the thraldom in which she was supposed to exist was met both by good-natured derision and stern denunciation. It was either looked upon as a joke or its promoters were regarded as being outside the pale of decent society. But, whether treated with ridicule or abuse, the asserters of "woman's rights" were almost universally regarded as a set of impracticable fanatics who, being disappointed in their efforts to get husbands or wives, or else unhappy in their domestic relations, were levying war against the very foundations of society, and endeavoring in their mortification and rage to make their fellow creatures as miserable as they were themselves. But, as generally happens when the adherents of a creed or a system are energetic and unscrupulous in its propagation, the originators of the movement in question little by little obtained the countenance and active support of many persons of wellbalanced and erudite minds. It began to be recognized that there was a good deal of truth in the mass of platitudes and absurdities which the short-haired women and long-haired men enunciated. Their yearly gatherings became more and more respectable, and many newspapers and magazines supported more or less fully the doctrine of the equality of the sexes. Eventually it came to be acknowledged, through the action of that spirit of fairness which is at the bottom of human nature, that the field of woman's usefulness to herself and the world at large was unduly circumscribed; her right to labor in her own way for her own support and that of those dependent upon her was-grudgingly, in some instances-conceded; the learned professions of medicine, theology, and law were, in a measure, opened to her; she was permitted to fill certain public offices, and in some States a restricted franchise was conferred upon her. At the present time she can practice medicine almost anywhere in the civilized world; several religious denominations permit her to expound their faith; some of the States of the Union admit her to the bar, and one Territory gives her judicial powers. Her right to work in any field of labor she may select is granted; her person and property are as well protected by the law as those of man; she has all the rights and privileges necessary for her material and mental prosperity, and she is not required to serve in the militia or the posse comitatus, to sit on juries or to take her turn at the pumps of a sinking ship. But she still contends-or, at least, those who assume to represent her do-for the rights of co-education, of unrestricted suffrage, and of holding political office. The first of these demands does not come within the scope of the present discussion. The other two we propose to consider briefly, and to show that, in our opinion, grave anatomical and physiological reasons demand not only that the progress of the revolution should be arrested, but that, |