Sidebilder
PDF
ePub

she remained at amity with us, or that, if she were separated from us and gone round to Russia, who would most gladly combine with her, those two powers should together accomplish the objects respectively attributed to them? He gave full credit to his noble friend (lord Palmerston) for the address and ability he had displayed on this occasion, but, however skilful the mode of conducting it had been, the policy itself might nevertheless be entirely wrong. He wished, before concluding, to make one remark respecting the feeling of the people of this country towards France. Let it not be supposed, on either side of the water, that they had ever felt indifferent to the prospect of a war, or insensible to the inestimable blessings of peace with France. If it had ever entered their heads as a practical notion, that they were on the point of war with France, he knew for certain, that an overwhelming majority of the working classes, the middle classes, and all the liberal party of the nation, would have risen up as one man, and said to the government, "The peace with France shall not be broken, come what may." The noble lord then paid a high tribute to the genius, courage, and military skill of the French nation, and to their bonourable and chivalrous character, of which he was sure even the noble duke opposite (Wellington) and his brave companions in arms, would never speak otherwise than most respectfully. The noble duke had always maintained, that France must ever be a great and leading power in Europe, and would have resisted, he was quite sure, any propositions which might have been made at the conferences of the great powers in 1814 or in

subsequent years, to encroach upon or to humble her. Trusting to the prevalence of a reciprocal feeling of amity on the part of the French nation, he would conclude by expressing his earnest hope for continued peace between the two nations, and for the tranquillity of the world.

Viscount Melbourne said, he agreed for the most part in the general principles of the able speech they had just heard, though he could not entirely concur in the application of those principles. He did not intend to ask the house to concur in a vote of approbation on the policy which had been pursued until he had laid before them the fullest information on the whole subject-the clearest statement of the whole negotiations: after which he hoped he should satisfy them that a case had existed, if not of absolute necessity, yet a case of stringent policy, imperatively calling on the government to act as it had done for the purpose of preserving the peace of Europe. Above all, he felt sure that when the whole facts were laid before the house, they would be satisfied that there was not the slightest ground for the charge of discourtesy towards France in the manner in which the business had been conducted. His noble and learned friend had asked, what was the real object which they had in view? His answer was, the preservation of peace by the settlement of the affairs of the Levant, and by preserving the integrity of the Turkish empire as much as they possibly could in the state in which it was. As to the alleged inconsistency of our policy in former years with this object, he would not go at length into those subjects, but with respect to the

offers of Egypt and of certain parts of Syria to the pacha, all he would say was, that they arose from an extreme anxiety to settle the matter pacifically and to avert the conjuncture which had arisen. It was evident from papers on the table of the house, that it was the intention of the pacha to establish his own independence, to found a new Mahommedan state on the shores of the Mediterranean, and by further encroachments to make himself the sole or the greatest Mahommedan power in that part of the world. It was the policy of the other powers to prevent the execution of such a design. In his opinion the only charge which could justly be made against them was that of too long delaying to act, but this was owing to their earnest desire to act in concert with France: to have her cooperation with that of the other powers in the pacification of the Levant. They had been disappointed in this, but he still indulged hopes that an agreement of opinion would be come to on this subject. His noble friend had said, that in the course which they had pursued they had served the ends of Russia, who would be the real gainer. What her secret designs might be, he could not say, but he would suggest that it was possible that that power might be desirous to preserve the peace of Europe, and to put a stop to a state of things by which she alone might be compelled to interfere, as she was compelled by solemn treaty to do, for the preservation of the Turkish empire, and by which interference she might have compromised the peace of Europe. He trusted that ere long they should see all the great powers of Europe united on this

question with the view of securing the peace of the world. But with reference to his noble friend's remarks, he felt called upon to make this one observation, viz:-that it was not in the power of any one nation to command peace. It could not contest the proceedings of other nations. He would add, that it was not the surest way to avoid war, to declare beforehand that under no circumstances we would resort to that course.

Lord Brougham explained with reference to the concluding remarks of the noble lord, that he had never meant to maintain that this country ought to go to war under no circumstances whatever.

The duke of Wellington expressed his concurrence in the address, which he hoped would be unanimously agreed to. He was one of those who approved of the policy of the measures which had been taken. The state of things in the Levant had for some years excited his anxious attention. He was happy to say he had reason to think that the dangers which menaced the peace of Europe would be averted, and that France would join the other powers in maintaining the peace of the world. He had heard a good deal now and at other times, of what was called the alliance between France and England. Now it was true, that on certain occasions, these two powers had acted in concert, and apart from the other powers of Europe. He knew, however, of no other alliance than a good understanding between them. At other times they had acted separately. On the occasion of the negotiations at Verona, where he himself was present as ambassador, France had acted separately from England, yet, England did not

then take offence at the course she pursued. He could not discover in the present proceedings any cause for just offence on the part of France. The only fault he could find in the present case was, that the negotiations had been carried on orally, rather than by notes according to the usual course. If the usual form had been followed it would have been easier to decide upon any charge which might be made by reference to documents. But in his opinion no discourtesy had been shown to France in the recent proceedings, nor could he see any just cause of difference between the two countries. The charges brought by Lord Brougham against the conduct of Russia were, in his opinion, without foundation. In 1830, 1831, and 1832, that government had made the greatest exertions to induce the maritime powers of Europe to interfere for the prevention of the invasion of Syria by Mehemet Ali, and if her efforts had been successful the Russian fleet would not have sailed, nor would the treaty of Unkiar Skelessi have been entered into. He must say that he saw no peculiar advantages that the emperor of Russia had gained by agreeing to what had been done for the settlement of the affairs of the Levant, and he believed the emperor was perfectly sincere in working out the same common object with the other powers, and that he had no such aim as was imputed to him, of seeking to break up the alliance between France and England. In answer to the noble and learned lord's observations, he would say, that no man living had done half so much for the preservation of peace, and above all for the pacification and maintaining the honour

of France, and for the promotion of her interests, as himself. From 1814 to the last moment of his remaining in office, he had done everything in his power to preserve the peace of Europe and to keep up a good understanding between France and England. He repeated that he had done more than any one else to place France in the situation which she ought to hold in the councils of Europe,-from a firm conviction, which he felt now as strongly as ever, that if France were not so placed, there was no security for the peace of Europe, or for a sound decision on any subject of general policy. His noble friends here, and his right honourable friends elsewhere, who were in office with him, were as anxious for the preservation of peace as any politicians, be they liberals or otherwise; they were as anxious that France should take that station which became her in the rank of nations, and to which her power, her wealth, and her resources entitled her. The noble duke concluded by expressing his confident hope and expectation that the other powers would succeed in reconciling France to the settlement of the affairs of the Levant which had been effected.

Lord Brougham expressed his regret that he had given offence to the noble duke by what he had said, but added, that if he had only been the means of drawing from him the declaration which the house had just heard, he felt that he had rendered one of the most important services that any man could perform at the present juncture.

The address was then agreed to without a division.

In the house of commons, on the same day, her majesty's speech

having been read from the chair, lord Brabazon moved the address. The chief topics which he commented upon, after congratulating the house on the birth of a princess royal, were the operations in Syria and on the Indus, the war in China, the differences between this country and France, the projected reforms in chancery, the poor-law, to the working of which he attributed a marked social and moral improvement in the condition of the peasantry; and to the condition of Ireland, whose only demand and only requisite to become a contented and happy country was, as he contended, the concession of equality of privileges and franchises with those of England. This would be but an act of common justice. To the repeal of the union, however, he was determinedly opposed, and he implored those who were now agitating that measure, to pause ere they brought the heaviest calamity on their country. The noble lord then read the address, which was, as usual, an echo of the speech, and expressed his confidence that it would meet with the unanimous concurrence of the house.

Mr. Grantley Berkley seconded the address. He spoke in the warmest terms of the recent successes of the British arms in Asia. Their triumph in China he considered a subject of the greatest national exultation. He hailed the policy of the noble lord (Palmerston) with satifaction, not only in a political and commercial point of view, but religiously he was led to regard it as the dawning of a light that was about to break in upon the darkness of that idolatrous land. The seeds of a faith had been sown which might bring forth future harvests. He then

proceeded to give a detailed description of the circumstances attending the bombardment of Acre, which he characterised as transcending all former achievements of the British arms of the same kind. After slightly touching on the condition of Canada, and on the topic of slavery, he adverted to the domestic circumstances of the country, and first to the new poor law. This, he said, was another instance in which the first bias of public opinion had been wrong. A prejudice had at first been excited against the law, but now the poor were beginning to feel the benefit of it, and he could speak from personal experience of its satisfactory results. The deceptive schemes of the chartists were seen through and discountenanced, and the working classses had awakened to a sense of their absurdity. The interests both of the agricultural and manufacturing classes were in a prosperous state. All these were reasons for the highest national exultation, and at such a thrice-happy period as the present, when all should be concord and sunshine around the throne, he trusted that they would join unanimously in an address of loyalty to the throne, and gratitude to Divine Providence.

Mr. Grote next addressed the house, and after characterizing the speech from the throne as "not very rich in promises; presenting the sketch of a session as blank in prospect, as the preceding session was in reality," he proceeded to a searching scrutiny into the policy and measures of the government with respect to the eastern question, on which his views widely differed from those of the speakers who had preceded him. The line of argument adopted by the honourable

member with reference to this subject, was very much the same as that employed by lord Brougham in the other house. Admitting the brilliancy of the achievements of the British arms, he contended that the policy of the expedition was indefensible-that England had no cause of quarrel or offence against Mehemet Ali, on the contrary, that she had been the gainer in many respects by his government in Syria. Even supposing France had acquiesced in our measures, the alleged object of main taining the independence and integrity of the Ottoman empire, of guaranteeing the sultan against either any external aggression, or any attempt at self-emancipation on the part of any persons in his dominions appeared to him to be a policy uncalled for, impolitic, indefinite, and indefensible, on any correct view of international obligation. The consequences of adopting such a policy were scarcely to be calculated, seeing that the history of the Turkish empire showed that the quarrels of the pachas one with another, and the revolts of pachas against the sultan were almost a part of the order of nature in that empire. It was contended that we ought to interfere for the sake of frustrating the designs of the emperor Nicholas upon Constantinople. But if, as this argument implied, the only mode of counteracting Russian designs in this quarter, was to outbid that power in offers of service to the sultan, such policy, degrading as it would be to this country, would present no securities against the ambition of the emperor, but such as were both the most troublesome, the most costly, and the least effective. The real security which we possess

against the acquisition of Con stantinople by Russia consists in the terror of our arms, in the emperor's knowing that he will not be permitted by England and France to make the attempt. The argument, that by these measures we are counteracting the designs of Russia, is refuted by the obvious fact, that Russia is herself the grand projector of the enterprise. The Russian negotiator, count Brunow, was reputed to be a man of distinguished sagacity, and unless you suppose him in this instance to be suicidally or stupidly ruining his own interests, one of two things must be true-either that Russia has no designs against Turkey, in which case our interference was needless, or else Russia has aggressive designs, but such as admit of being as well or better executed after the expulsion of the pacha from Syria as before it. In either alternative, the conduct of Russia proves that our Syrian proceedings were in no way calculated to obstruct her views. He trusted that we might escape the terrible calamity of an European war, but omens and menaces of warlike preparation were abroad, and the rumours of all Europe being placed on an enlarged military establishment were in themselves no light mischief. Entertaining, as he did, the highest opinion of the French nation, he could not but look upon the prospect of a rupture of the good understanding between France and England, and the revival of the feelings of 1815, as a signal calamity for both. We had gained nothing by our operations in Syria to compensate for so great a mischief. Granting that the eastern question had been settled, the noble lord (Palmerston) had unsettled at the same time all the

« ForrigeFortsett »