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but all the rest of the bishops afterward took out letters for their bishopricks with the same clause. In this the archbishop had a principal hand; for it was his judgment, that the exercise of all episcopal jurisdiction depended upon the prince; and that as he gave it he might restrain or take it away at his pleasure.* Cranmer thought the exercise of his own episcopal authority ended with the late king's life, and therefore would not act as archbishop till he had a new commission from king Edward.t

In the same statute it is declared, "that since all jurisdic tion both spiritual and temporal was derived from the king, therefore all processes in the spiritual court should from henceforward be carried on in the king's name, and be sealed with the king's seal, as in the other courts of common law, except the archbishop of Canterbury's courts, only in all faculties and dispensations; but all collations, presentations, or letters of orders, were to pass under the bishops' proper seals as formerly." By this law, causes concerning wills and marriages were to be tried in the king's name; but this was repealed in the next reign.

Lastly: The parliament gave the king all the lands for maintenance of chantries not possessed by his father; all legacies given for obits, anniversaries, lamps in churches; together with all guild-lands; which any fraternity enjoyed on the same account: the money was to be converted to the maintenance of grammar-schools; but the hungry courtiers shared it among themselves. After this the houses were prorogued from the 24th of December to the 20th of April following.

The convocation that sat with the parliament did little; the majority being on the side of Popery, the archbishop was afraid of venturing any thing of importance with them; nor are any of their proceedings upon record; but Mr. Strype has collected from the notes of a private member, that the lower house agreed to the communion in both kinds; and that upon a division, about the lawfulness of priests' marriages, fifty-three were for the affirmative, and twenty-two for the negative.§

The Reformation in Germany lying under great discouragements by the victorious arms of Charles V. who had this

Strype's Mem. Crau. p. 141. App. p. 53. + Burnet's Hist. Ref. vol. 2. p. 42. Edw. VI. cap. 14. § Strype's Life of Cran. p. 156:

year taken the duke of Saxony prisoner, and dispossessed him of his electorate, several of the foreign reformers, who' had taken sanctuary in those parts, were forced to seek it' elsewhere: Among these Peter Martyr, a Florentine, was' invited by the archbishop, in the king's name, into England, and had the divinity-chair given him at Oxford; Bucer had' the same at Cambridge; Ochinus and Fagius, two other learned foreigners, had either pensions or canonries with a' dispensation of residence, and did good service in the universities; but Fagius soon after died.

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The common people were very much divided in their opitions about religion; some being zealous for preserving the Popish rites, and others no less averse to them. The country people were very tenacious of their old shows, as processions, wakes, carrying of candles on Candlemas-day, and palms on Palm-Sundays, &c. while others looked upon them as Heathenish rites, absolutely inconsistent with the simplicity of the gospel. This was so effectually represented to the council by Cranmer, that a proclamation was published' Feb. 6, 1548, forbidding the continuance of them. And for putting an end to all contests about images that had been abused to superstition, an order was published Feb. 11th, that all images whatsoever should be taken out of churches; and the bishops were commanded to execute it in their several diocesses.* Thus the churches were emptied of all those pictures and 'statues, which had for divers ages been the objects of the people's adoration."

The clergy were no less divided than the laity'; the pulpits clashing one against the other, and tending to stir up se-dition and rebellion: the king therefore, after the example of his father, and by advice of his council, issued out a proclamation, Sept. 3, in the second year of his reign, to prohibit all preaching throughout all his dominions. The words" are these: “The king's highness, minding shortly to have one uniform order throughout this realm, and to put an end to all controversies in religion, so far as God shall give" grace; doth at this present, and 'till such time as the said order shall be set forth, inhibit all manner of persons whatsoever, to preach in open audience in the pulpit or otherwise; to the intent, that the whole clergy, in the mean space, may apply themselves in prayer to Almighty God, * Burnet's Hist. Ref. vol. 2. p. 61. 64.

for the better achieving the same most godly intent and purpose."

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At the same time a committee of divines was appointed to examine and reform the offices of the church :* these were the archbishops. of Canterbury and York; the bishops of London, Durham, Worcester, Norwich, St. Asaph, Salis bury, Coventry, and Litchfield, Carlisle, Bristol, St. David's, Ely, Lincoln, Chichester, Hereford, Westminster, and Ro chester; with the doctors Cox, May, Taylor, Heins, Robertson, and Redmayn. They began with the sacrament of the eucharist, in which they made but little alteration, leaving the office of the mass as it stood, only adding to it so much as changed it into a communion in both kinds. Auricular. confession was left indifferent. The priest having received the sacrament himself, was to turn to the people and read the exhortation: then followed a denunciation, requiring such as had not repented to withdraw, lest the devil should enter into them as he did into Judas. After a little pause, to see if any would withdraw, followed a confession of sins and absolution, the same as now in use; after which the sa crament was administered in both kinds without elevation. This office was published with a proclamation, declaring his majesty's intentions to proceed to a farther reformation; and willing his subjects not to run before his direction, assuring them of his earnest zeal in this affair, and hoping they would quietly tarry for it.

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In reforming the other offices they examined and compared the Romish missals of Sarum, York, Hereford, Bangor, and Lincoln; and out of them composed the morning and evening service, almost in the same form as it stands at present; only. there was no confession, nor absolution. It would have obviated many objections if the committee had thrown aside the mass-book, and composed a uniform service in the lan guage of Scripture, without any regard to the church of Rome; but this they were not aware of, or the times would not bear it. From the same materials, they compiled a litany, consisting of many short petitions, interrupted by suffrages; it is the same with that which is now used, except the petition to be delivered from the tyranny of the bishop of Rome and all his detestable enormities; which;

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*Burnet's Hist. Ref. vol. 2. p. 61. 64.'

in the review of the liturgy in queen Elizabeth's time, was struck out.

In the administration of baptism a cross was to be made on the child's forehead and breast, and the devil was exorcised to go out, and enter no more into him. The child was to be dipped three times in the font, on the right and left side, and on the breast, if not weak. A white vestment was to be put upon it in token of innocence; and it was to be anointed on the head, with a short prayer for the unction of the Holy Ghost.

In order to confirmation, those that came were to be catechised; then the bishop was to sign them with the cross, and lay his hands upon them, in the name of the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost.

If sick persons desired to be anointed, the priest might. do it upon the forehead and breast, only making the sign of the cross; with a short prayer for his recovery.

In the office of burial, the soul of the departed person is recommended to the mercy of God; and the minister is to pray, that the sins which he committed in this world may be forgiven him, and that he may be admitted into heaven, and his body raised at the last day.

This was the first service-book or liturgy of king Edward VI. We have no certain account of the use of any liturgies in the first ages of the church; those of St. Mark, St. James, and that of Alexandria, being manifestly spurious.It is not till the latter end of the fourth century that they are first mentioned: and then it was left to the care of every bishop to draw up a form of prayer for his own church.In St. Austin's time they began to consult about an agreement of prayers, that none should be used without common advice: but still there was no uniformity. Nay, in the darkest times of Popery, there was a vast variety of forms in different sees, witness the offices secundum usum Sarum, Bangor, York, &c. But our reformers split upon this rock, sacrificing the peace of the church to a mistaken necessity of an exact uniformity of doctrine and worship, in which it was impossible for all men to agree. Had they drawn up divers forms, or left a discretionary latitude for tender consciences, as to some particular phrases, all men would have been easy, and the church more firmly united than ever.

The like is to be observed as to rites and ceremonies of an

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indifferent nature. Nothing is more certain, than that the church of Rome indulged a variety. Every religious order (says bishop Burnet*) had their peculiar rites, with the saints' days that belonged to their order, and services for them: but our reformers thought proper to insist upon an exact uniformity of habits and ceremonies for all the clergy; though they knew many of them were exceptionable, having been abused to idolatry; and were a yoke which some of the most resolved Protestants could not bear. Nay, so great a stress was laid upon the square cap and surplice, that rather than dispense with the use of them to some tender minds, the bishops were content to part with their best friends, and hazard the Reformation into the hands of the Papists. If there must be habits and ceremonies for decency and order, why did they not appoint new ones, rather than retain the old, which had been idolized by the Papists to such a degree, as to be thought to have a magical virtue or a sacramental efficacy? Or if they meant this, why did they not speak out, and go on with the consecration of them?

The council had it some time under consideration, whether those vestments in which the priests used to officiate should be continued? It was objected against them, by those who had been confessors for the Protesant religion, and others, that "the habits were parts of the train of the mass; that the people had such a superstitious opinion of them, as to think they gave an efficacy to their prayers, and that divine service said without this apparel was insignificant: whereas at best they were but inventions of Popery, and ought to be destroyed with that idolatrous religion."+ But it was said, on the other hand, by those divines that had stayed in England, and weathered the storm of King Henry's tyranny by a politic compliance, and concealment of their opinions, that "church habits and ceremonies were indifferent, and might be appointed by the magistrates; that white was the colour of the priests' garments in the Mosaical dispensation; and that it was a natural expression of the purity and decency that became priests. That they ought to depart no farther from the church of Rome than she had departed from the practice of the primitive church. Besides, "the clergy were then so poor, that they could scarce afford to buy themselves decent clothes." But did Hist. Ref. vol. 2. p. 72. + Fuller's Church History, b. 7. p. 402,

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