cleanly, decent wife, and all the magic that struck me, or that would strike any one who took the trouble to pay it a visit, was produced by nothing more wonderful than a little soap and water. This question of huddling together in London has now been before the public for some years, and it does not appear to be any nearer its settlement. St. Giles's and Saffron Hill have been cut up half-destroyed-and "improved;" but the old inhabitants "cleared out" have been merely displaced, and not transformed into better members of society. Model lodging-houses have grown a little in popularity, and have lost the character of being "workhouses;" but it is doubtful whether the English lower orders will ever cease to desire a "house of their own," and fall into a system which make them lodgers. The difficulty is found to lie in the habits of the poor, and until these are changed, by some process, educational, social, or moral, it is of little use to root out the courts, and pitchfork their inhabitants into model dwellings. The people who are so lost to decency, and a desire for comfort, as to take one or more rooms for the purpose of sub-letting them to a dozen different families at one time, would carry their trail of filth wherever they moved, and turn a Dutch dairy into an Irish dunghill. The new house would not improve the man, but the man would immediately defile the house. Education must do a deal more than it has hitherto done to train such men and women for an advance in civilisation, and much must be left to the slow but certain operation of the increased wages of labour. JOHN HOLLINGSHEAD. THE TURKEY TRAP AND NON CAUSA. BY ARCHBISHOP WHATELY. THE TURKEY TRAP. THE Turkey (an American, not a Turkish, fowl, named from its call of Turk! Turk!) is a silly bird; and the French call a person Dindon whom we, with less propriety, call a goose; that being very far from a silly bird. In America, they are said to entrap the wild turkeys through their silliness. On a slight slope, just at the edge, a kind of pen is made of sticks, and covered over. At the lowest part an opening is left, sufficient to admit a turkey; and corn is strewn within and without the pen, to entice them in. When they have entered, they might escape by simply descending to the entrance, and walking out the way they walked in. But, instead of this, they vainly beat against the sides of the pen, till the trapper comes and despatches them. Many featherless bipeds are like these turkeys. When it is plainly proved that you have formed a rash judgment, or taken an unwise step, the right course manifestly is to confess this, and retract, and retrace your steps. But most men are too much of turkeys to do this. Usually, when a man finds himself in a pen, and that there is no thoroughfare, rather than descend so far as to own a mistake, and walk out of the error the same way he had walked into it, he will resort to every kind of shuffle. He will insist on it that he was quite right all along, but that there has been a change some of the people, or in the circumstances. Or perhaps he will flatly deny that he ever said so and so; or maintain that he was misunderstood. Anything rather than retract and acknow in ledge an error. And yet a man who does this frankly, will usually obtain great applause for his candour and good sense; even more perhaps than he would have 11-8 had if he had avoided the error from the first Yet even this will not tempt most men to take this ingenuous and wise course. They are too much of Turkeys. NON CAUSA. IN former times, the plant called Borage, which is still sometimes used to flavour "cool-tankard,” was in high repute as a cordial. In the Salernian Rhymes we have " Ego Borago guadia semper ago," which Master Gerrard (says old Parkinson) "hath not illy translated 'I Borage always give courage.' Our simple forefathers prescribed that it should be infused in wine, and the infusion would greatly cheer the spirits! If the wine employed was hock, the exhilaration was "propter hock." The fallacy which logicians call "Non causa pro causa," or "Post hoc; ergo propter hoc," is one peculiarly apt to mislead men in their conduct. Sometimes an effect is attributed to what has no more efficacy, either way, than the borage probably had; and sometimes to what is a hindrance. Of this latter kind are almost all the cases of legislative interference with manufactures and commerce. Well-meaning, but unwise legislators, in various countries, attributed, for ages, all the prosperity (often rapidly increasing) of their people, to laws which had no effect but to retard the advance of prosperity. To the inert class belong most superstitious observances: inert, I mean, not that superstition is without any effect (far otherwise); but without any effect as to the immediate object aimed at; as, e.g., the sacrifices offered up to the north wind by Xenophon's "ten thousand." The wind, he says, which had distressed them, sensibly abated after the sacrifice. In one of Marmontel's tales, a Brahmin (very naturally) expresses his wonder that the English stranger who had afforded him the most generous protection, should never have heard of Vishnu and his nine metamorphoses. Many things, however (it should be observed, by the way), are usually called superstitions, which are not such in the strictest sense, being unconnected with any religious belief, as, e.g., the notion about the Borage; the carrying about with you what is called the cramp-bone of a leg of mutton (the patella), as a preventive of cramp; making nine bows to a magpie, to avoid ill-luck; telling the bees of every event that occurs; the ill-luck of transplanting parsley, and of spilling salt, &c. In a majority of cases you could give a person no decisive proof that the effect which takes place is not caused or foreshown by that which he considers as a cause, or as a sign, except by an induction, and a considerably large one. It will not be enough to defy him to explain how this can be; since | there are many things which we are forced to believe, though quite unable to give the how. A very eminent clock-maker was labouring hard at a time-piece, which he was anxious to make as perfect as possible. He sat before it and watched it for hours, and found that it was unlucky to wear his wig. When he sat before it in his night-cap, all went well; but when he had his wig on, there was always some irregularity. He ascertained the fact long before he could account for it. And if he had never found the solution at all, he would not have been justified in thereupon disbelieving a well-established fact. But, at last, he discovered that the steel spring which fastened on his wig had, by some chance, been magnetized, and exercised its attraction on the works. But if you can show a very great number of cases in which the effect has not taken place, and where the like event has taken place in the absence of the supposed cause, this will convince,-not indeed the vulgarminded, but those open to reason. 串 In my garden at Halesworth, there were several trees whose trunks had evidently been split when young, in order to pass a child through the opening, as a cure for rupture. The tree is then to be closed and carefully bound up; and if the cleft heals, as it usually will, the child will recover, as infants oftener do than not. But in some of my trees the wound had not closed. I pointed out one of them to an old man who was working in the garden, and he told me that that very tree he had himself split, and passed a child through, and the child, he told me, got well, which it ought not to have done. It is not safe to run counter, without necessity, to popular superstitions. If you transplant a bed of parsley, in a country where this is fully believed to be unlucky, your cattle and fences and fields will be neglected by your labourers through despair; and when any disaster arises through their negligence, they will attribute this to the parsley. There are two baronets-Sir Robert Wilmots-in Derbyshire; and of course much inconvenience results. But the belief is, that the title can in each case be transmitted only through a Robert. And it is said, that whenever the eldest son has any other name, he dies in infancy. In some cases, however, you can prove (to any one who is not proof-proof) that what he attributes to the belief in a certain tenet, must be the effect of some other cause. For instance, the consolation which a fatalist of any kind attributes to his conviction, that a certain future event is fixed, one way or the other, may be proved (as I have shown in the Appendix to Archbishop King's "Discourse") to be the result of his conviction, that it is fixed in the way that is the favourable one to himself. The knowledge that an important law-suit, involving wealth or ruin to you, is decided, one way or the other, is no satisfaction, except you are confident that it is decided in your favour. THE WORKING ASSOCIATIONS OF PARIS. to exist is the rooted belief, the confident assertion, not only of almost every Englishman, but of almost every Frenchman whom Englishmen are likely to fall in with; and, what is most curious, both belief and assertion have lasted since almost the very beginning of the remarkable economic movement to which these bodies belong. Profes sor Huber, of Wernigerode, the author of a wellknown work "on the English Universities," who has devoted considerable attention to this subjer, in a pamphlet published by him this year at Tübingen, relates how, in 1854, and again in 1858, in the "good society" of Paris, "in official circles, in the great world of business, no one would know Ar a lecture given by M. Louis Blanc on "Co- | to be prospering. That such bodies have ceased operation," in the City Hall of Glasgow (October 11, 1860), wherein he slew for the fiftieth time the calumny which persists in still fathering upon him the so-called "national workshops" of 1848, that gentleman stated a fact which sounds still new and incredible to many; namely, that "there are at present in France many co-operative societies in a most thriving condition," specifying those of the pianoforte makers, arm-chair makers, jewellers, last makers, tinmen, blacksmiths, spectacle makers, lantern makers, wheelwrights, brush makers, machine makers, engravers, masons, and giving special details as to the last. The above list, as will be seen from this paper itself, is far from exhaustive. I have myself the names of twenty-two existing Paris associations, of which nineteen are specified * See White's Natural History of Selbourne. anything about the matter," so that real "voyages of discovery" were needed to find the trace of the twenty-seven working associations of which he then ascertained the continued existence. The causes of this ignorance are many. Schools of self-government, these bodies are essentially antagonistic to the Napoleonic despotism. It began by crushing them wherever it could, so that the provincial bodies, three, I believe, excepted, have disappeared altogether. Of the Parisian ones, only a handful have undoubtedly remained, but those, the strongest, wisest, noblest; official illwill operating at least usefully to winnow out the chaff, if indeed the blast, too furious, may have carried away some grains of good wheat also. The subsisting bodies, however, have been compelled to work, as it were, in the dark, suppressing all outward symbols of their organization, trading under ordinary commercial firms, unable to unite or combine for measures of common utility, as M. Louis Blanc showed by the conviction of the architect Delbrouck. To the passer-by, to the looker-on, they thus merge entirely into the ordinary stream of trade; whilst they are forced, in self-defence, to maintain the most cautious reserve towards unknown strangers. Thanks to this caution indeed, and to the real strength which some of them have acquired, they have now won the allowance, sometimes even the apparent favour, of the Government, which seems to feel that it has nothing to gain, and might have much to lose, in meddling with bodies comprising the most skilful, industrious, orderly, well-conducted members of the working classes of Parismen whom it knows ripened by every species of trial, ready for every species of sacrifice for the maintenance of their principles, and possessed moreover of the hard-won capital accumulated by some ten or twelve years of labour. But all around them what Professor Huber calls " the most absolute indifference of self-seeking, in its most manifold forms," rules supreme, and is but too happy to forget, to ignore, to deny the hidden existence of these few witnesses against that profound demoralization of French society of which such indifference is the outward expression. That, however, a similar ignorance and misconception relative to the subsistence of such bodies should prevail in England is the more remarkable, that not only are all those influences of despotism wanting which keep them under a cloud in France, but that the greatest political economist of the day, Mr. J. S. Mill, has distinctly pointed out the working associations of Paris to the notice of his countrymen, and emphatically stamped them with his approval. "The form of association," he wrote, in the third edition of his "Political Economy" (published 1852), "which, if mankind continue to improve, must be expected in the end to predominate, is not that which can exist between a capitalist, as chief, and work-people without a voice in the management; but the association of the labourers themselves on terms of equality, collectively owning the capital with which they carry on their operations, and working under managers elected and removable by themselves." Quoting (1.) from M. Feugueray's work entitled The Working Association in Industry and Agriculture (Paris, 1851), the interesting story of the pianoforte-makers' association, and referring to the destruction of many such bodies by the Napoleonic rule, he declared, nevertheless, that though the existing associations may be dissolved, or driven to expatriate, their experience will not be lost. They have existed long enough to furnish the type of future improvement; they have exemplified the process for bringing about a change in society, which would combine the freedom and independence of the individual with the moral, intellectual, and economical advantages of aggregate production, and which, without violence or spoliation, or even any sudden disturbance of existing habits and expectations, would realize, at least in the industrial department, the best aspirations of the democratic spirit, by putting an end to the division of society into the industrious and the idle, and effacing all social distinctions but those fairly earned by personal services and exertions." And in his fourth edition (published 1857) he quotes, in an appendix, from M. Villiaume's work on Political Economy of the same year, the latest information on the French industrial associations," from which it appears that, in that year, there were still twenty-three such associations in Paris, all prospering. And now what are in effect, some may ask, these working or industrial associations, and whence have they sprung? A "working association," according to the French idea, is simply a society of working men, established on a permanent footing, to carry on their own particular trade on mutually fair terms. Nothing more. It does not start, like some other attempts in co-operation, by a large organization of several trades at once. It has no fixed formula as to the division or the community of profits. But it aims at being permanent. It is not a mere venture spread over a certain number of years like our temporary building societies; it does not aim simply at transforming a certain number of working men into a certain number of employers, as did the establishment once well known in the annals of the iron trades as that of the "Forty Thieves." Its aim is the seemingly humbler one of raising the worker into the worker-capitalist. To effect this end two means are chiefly employed, one, the attributing the greater part of the profits to labour as such; the other, the creation of an inalienable fund, destined for the permanent maintenance of the body, and over which out-going associates have no claim; so that each generation of workers hands over to the next the fruit of its own labours. It is a common opinion that the idea of the working association dates from the French Revolution of 1848. Nothing can be more fallacious. It has been abundantly shown by the more serious writers on the subject (I would only quote M. Feugueray and Professor Huber), that the idea dates from before the French Revolution of 1830, that it was fully set forth, by a remarkable thinker, M. Buchez, in a journal directed by him in 1831 and 1832; that it was sought to be realized in practice by a few cabinet-makers as early as the former year (their deed of association being dated 10th September 1831), and again in perhaps nine other unsuccessful instances prior to 1848; lastly, that the still subsisting, and well-established association of jewellers, was founded in 1834, and definitively organized in 1843. Working associations in France are therefore not the bubble of a day, but the products of a struggle of thirty years. The true nursery-ground of the idea of associations in France is, however, to be found in the journal called l'Atelier (the workshop), a periodical founded, and for ten long years (1840-50) conducted by working men, although, as M. Feugueray observes, chiefly read by members of the middle classes. Its writers were mostly men formed in the Buchez school, one remarkable in the history of French socialism as an essentially Christian one. Calm, moderate (except when carried away by national prejudice), logical, appealing not to passion, but to reason and conscience, severely moral in tone, their journal was in advance of the very class to which its writers belonged. "Duty,' "right," "self-devotion," such, for instance, are the titles of its first series of leaders. Take the following passages from the article last referred to : "He who says, 'My good first, and then that of others,' is against us. Whosoever, on the contrary, wishes every one to devote himself for all, is with Let us frankly acknowledge it, to say to each individual, The happier thou shalt be, the more enjoyments thou shalt have, and the more thou shalt contribute to the universal welfare, which is composed of the sum of individual happinesses, is to sow discord in the state; . . . since, according to this system, every man has not only for right, but for duty, to render himself as happy as he can, always at the expense of others. . us. them, by learning to sacrifice his small individual interest to the general weal, by "looking before and after," and providing for the future, even for generations to come. Hence their advocacy of co-operative associations. Such seed as the Atelier sent forth is never thrown idly upon the wind. That most of the leading men in existing associations acknowledge a deep obligation to that journal can surprise no one. No doubt years had to pass away, during which the idea of association bore but little fruit. But it was only the silent germinating and sprouting in the soil of that seed which burst forth in the blade after the February Revolution. Nothing, I believe, has been so misunderstood as the influence upon that revolution of the co-operative idea. It was the great moderator of that movement which it is accused of having stimulated. The co-operative schools of thought had had no share in the February Revolution. They were, one and all, anti-revolutionary in spirit. It is owing to the spread of co-operative principles, I am satisfied, that, with the exception of one sad and bloody struggle, that revolution was so essentially harmless, especially during the three months of literal anarchy which succeeded the days of February. For those principles had the effect of turning into practical channels, into efforts for the organization of productive labour, those energies which in 1793, for instance, wreaked themselves in fruitless acts of violence and bloodshed. It is a fact, that scarcely any of the associated workmen took part in the June insurrection. And how could it be otherwise? Who would not find it easier to leave a master's workshop than one hired and stocked with his own money, filled with his own chosen fellow-workmen? No doubt the mass of French working men were but ill-prepared for co-operative labour. No doubt that of the hundreds and hundreds of associations which sprang up, in 1848 and 1850, many were only born to die. Yet I firmly believe that even the most ephemeral of them were far from remaining void of useful effect, were it only as above pointed out, by occupying and detaining unquiet spirits. It is the after effects of a revolution which are the most deadly-the collapse of credit, the cessation of demand, the hiding and skulking and flight of capital. Now, in the midst of the stagnation of trade produced by such causes after February 1848, the working associations were the heroic effort of labour to do double duty, to stimulate demand, to supply the functions of runaway capital. If, on the contrary, we imbue ourselves thoroughly with the thought that the happiness of the state can only exist by the self-devotion of its citizens, each of us will do all he can to be useful to others, without fearing to do too well; there will be no struggles amongst citizens; and from this continual self-devotion will come the happiness of society, and consequently that even of individuals." Such were the teachings amid which co-operative associations grew up in France. Utopian ethics!' do you say with a smile or a sneer? I know not, but at any rate the ethics of hard-handed, hard-headed, strong-hearted men, such as Mr. Carlyle would delight in; not put forth to school-boys in a lecture-room, but destined to discipline men to an essentially practical purpose. For, from first to last, the co-operative association-the simple practice of fellowship in work, fellowship in trade-is the field marked out for the application of such ethics. These men are no day-dreamers, no spinners of cobweb theories, like the philanthropists of the eighteenth century. Work is the beginning and end of their whole preaching, the pivot upon which it all turns. Their political economy is merely that principle of St. Paul, which stands indeed as the foremost, motto on their title-page: "He that will not work, neither should he eat." They have tried to dig deep into that saying, and they have found that its strength contains a sweetness, that its sternness implies a promise :-"He that will work shall eat." And they find, moreover, that man will have all the more to eat by Look upon the rise, for instance, of the associated working with others instead of working against | Pianoforte-makers of Paris, whose story, though How can this be done? The thing, I shall be told, is an economic chimera, a logical impossibility. It is, if we persist in overlooking the might of human wills in life-and-death grapple with facts, and so learning to use and master economic laws instead of remaining slaves to them. The associated working men had no capital; they created it out of their sacrifices, out of the pinching of their bellies. There was no demand for their work; they created it by the good quality of their goods, by the sympathy which the sight of their struggles gradually awoke in other men's breasts. wives. On told by Mr. Mill, I will venture, with some additional detail, to repeat. Fourteen working men, without capital, without credit, repelled in their application for a loan by the Commission of the Luxemburg (charged with the distribution of a fund of £120,000, for the encouragement of working associations), resolved, nevertheless (1849), to found one for themselves. They managed to hire, in an out-of-the-way quarter of Paris, a sort of loft up a steep stair made of wood in the rough, with a wellrope for hand-rail, and transformed it into a workshop. Those who had tools brought them; the savings of a few others went to purchase more; some who had no savings sold their poor jewels, their furniture, their very linen. When all was put together, they found themselves in possession of a sum of less than £9, 4s. cash. But this was not enough; weekly subscriptions had to be paid, by those who were at work out of their earnings, by those who were not, through the pawning of what they had, even to the very wedding-rings of their They went without fire when it was cold; they gave up wine, almost a necessary of life to the French workman; they lived on dry bread, ay, even whilst working like slaves; they had the courage to make their little children eat it. And so at last, penny by penny, privation by privation, they scraped together £40, wherewith to buy materials and set to work. A timber-merchant was found who gave them credit; they worked for two months without a farthing of pay, made one piano, sold it, began another, then two, then four. the 4th May 1849, they received their first monies, which, after payment of debts, gave about 5s. 3 d. for each member. For wages, 4s. were set apart; the balance was agreed to be spent in a frugal dinner, where the fourteen associates, their wives and families, met together to celebrate their first victory, and taste wine again, most of them the first time for a twelvemonth. For a whole long month yet, wages were only 4s. a week per head; but in June, a baker offered to buy a piano for bread, and a bargain was struck for £19, 4s. It was agreed that the bread should not be reckoned as wages, but that each might eat to his need, and carry away for his wife and children. Meanwhile their excellent workmanship was attracting custom; by August the weekly wages rose to 8s., 12s., 16s. a week. Yet even these were not wholly paid out, the sum required for the purchase of first-rate materials being deducted out of every Saturday's pay, the workers receiving only a dividend of the balance in cash, with a credit for what they had earned more. By the end of 1850 they had 32 members, and a stock worth nearly £1600, on premises rented at £80 a year. Eventually, they divided (1852) into two separate associations, one of which, I believe, | only survives. Professor Huber found it in 1854 with 45 associates and auxiliaries, and a business capital of £2240; he found it in 1858 somewhat suffering from the effects of the then late commercial crisis, but weathering the storm. It prospers still, though I have no recent details to add respecting it. Lake the pianoforte makers, the Arm-chairmakers' association had to start upon its own It was founded on the 16th November 1848. The idea of association seems to have been resources. popular in the trade; out of 600 workmen, 400 put down their names as willing to join. A few were selected to form the first group of associates, and contributions were called for. The total capital that could be brought together was £20, 3s. 4d., of which £14, 15s. 2d. in tools. With this they began to work, won custom, and prospered. Denied state aid at first, they subsequently received a grant of £1000, which I believe was long since paid back. By the end of 1850, they employed nearly 180 persons. In 1854, they had nearly £1500 capital, and did business to the extent of £22,000 a year. In 1857, they had 65 associates, 100 auxiliaries, and were the strongest house in Paris in their own line. By 1858, they had a steam-engine of six-horse power, and a capital of nearly £5200. This association, it should be stated, has traversed many an intestine storm and war, and has had to part, under painful circumstances, with a manager once reckoned one of the foremost working men of Paris. But it has remained flourishing notwithstanding. The Lamp-makers are another little band of true heroes. As early as March 1848, an association was started in the trade under the fairest auspices. Nearly all the 500 workmen engaged in the trade were in it, and several of the employers themselves. But in spite of these fair promises, it soon fell to pieces, and the work had to be begun again by a smaller body of 40 members. The first capital was literally collected in a hat at a meeting; other driblets of money and tools came in; in January 1849, they set to work, and a first lamp was made and sold for 9s. 8d. But the ill repute of the former failure clung to the new body, and sheer want soon reduced its numbers to three. In the summer business got a little better, and the number of associates rose to fourteen. But one fine morning the cash-box was found rifled; £28, the whole money of the association, had disappeared, and probably by the hands of a member. Once more, the association was on the verge of dissolution ; once more the three brave men breasted the tide of adverse fate, to emerge this time winners. In 1855, the association was reconstituted with over 100 members, in possession of well-found workshops and warehouses, and a few dwellings for members, as well as of a clear capital of £2000. By 1858, this had doubled, and Professor Huber was happy to note that "a certain spirit of brotherhood," which he had found in no other association so well diffused through the mass of associates, ruled still, unimpaired by success. The File-makers are another remarkable association. The trade employs in Paris some 200 men. On the 28th August 1848, fourteen formed themselves into an association, upon a capital of about £20 in cash, and about £91 in kind. These succeeded in obtaining a share of the government fund, to the extent of £400. They enjoyed, moreover, a valuable privilege over other workmen, they had chiefly workmen for their customers. They started thus with comparative success. Their first fortnight of work brought in 16s. a head. They obtained a medal of honour at the French National Exhibition of Industry in 1849. By December 1850, they had 42 associates or auxiliaries, two saleshops, and were about to have four workshops. They numbered more men in their employ than any |