chief is Mr Asquith's own. "Futile" is doubtless Lord Rosebery's contribution to this authoritative criticism of Mr Balfour's policy; and "dangerous is, appropriately enough, Sir Henry Campbell - Bannerman's. 66 Dangerous to our Imperial Unity" is a terrifying phrase. Mr Asquith in a later speech justified its use by asserting that the representatives of the Colonies would come to the conference not as statesmen or patriots, but as huckstering bagmen, keen to "haggle" over every bargain, and intent only on doing a "deal" for their constituents. The danger feared by Mr Asquith, to do him justice, is not so much that we shall get the worst of the bargain, but that friction will be caused and ill-feeling aroused. The other objections to the conference are phrases signifying nothing here Mr Asquith is evidently in earnest. This is to be the reason of the official Liberal opposition to the congress of Empire. Is there anything in it? Had not Canada already, without value received, or without hope of value received, given the mother country preferential treatment, there might have been some ground for thinking that petty details would interfere with the consideration of a far-reaching principle. Had not New Zealand by the mouth of its most popular statesman given expression to the most disinterested Imperialism, there might have been a suspicion that the islanders of the Southern Hemisphere were

:

keener on a bargain than on the safety of the Empire. Mr Asquith's views are tinged by the ignorance of the Colonies and of Colonial feeling which has come to be a characteristic of his party-as it certainly is of the Free-Fooders. They all fail to recognise (1) how relatively small in point of population each of the Colonies is, and (2) how relatively large in point of population as well as territory the great Colonies are certain to become. They exaggerate the present, and fail to grasp the future. To-day the Colonies will welcome help, encouragement, and sympathy from Britain the Mother; the day after to-morrow they will be able to do without any of these things. Any idea of the Colonies voluntarily breaking loose from the Empire at this moment is absurd. New Zealand would be a bonne bouche for a victorious Japan: a nonBritish Canada would soon have a vote for the President of the United States. But though we shall not, however purblind our policy may be, drive New Zealand into the arms of Japan, the wooing of Canada by the United States is a matter which we may easily cause to result in a marriage of convenience. It is years since Sir Wilfred Laurier said, "Call us to your counsels. Is the craven fear of free discussion— for that is Mr Asquith's, the Liberal party's, and the FreeFooder's theory-to prevent the answer to this appeal till it is too late?

All the objections, if there

are any real, save this terror of free discussion, to a Colonial conference, are justifiable in the mouths of politicians who have party ends to serve, which to them are more important than Imperial interests. But the Free - Fooder has already sacrificed (perhaps seldom intentionally) personal interests to a mistaken reading of a misunderstood theory; and it is hardly conceivable that he should continue in his obstinacy-simply because "what he has said he has said." Mr Victor Cavendish has, with an honesty and a frankness worthy his name and the traditions of his house, expressed his views in terms which, while they must give his distinguished relative pause, ought to furnish a lead to the most convinced FreeFooder of them all.

The Unionist party has a leader and a policy. Its leader is Mr Balfour, and its policy is the Union of the Empire. First and always the legislative Union of Ireland and Britain; second, the closer Union of the Colonies with the Mother Country. To these great aims most other things must in the eyes of a patriot be subsidiary. It is inconceivable that any one who has worked with the party should jeopardise the one and impede the other merely because he "distrusts Joe." Any distrust of Mr Chamberlain shows a lack of intelligence. He has never fought for his own hand. Had he preferred party and self to country and principle he would now have been the powerful leader of the

Radical party. Had he cared more for himself and less for the Empire he might even now have formed a party and secured for himself an independent position, disastrous to Unionism possibly, but flattering to himself certainly. Nothing is further from Mr Chamberlain's desire than to be Prime Minister. While Mr Balfour lives and leads, it would stultify Mr Chamberlain's whole career that he should be even put in competition with the great Parliamentarian. He has time after time repudiated the idea, and even his bitterest enemies cannot deny to him frankness of utterance. He is accused of rashness, of enthusiasm; he is said to be the victim of a sanguine temperament. All that only means that he sees further than most of his contemporaries, that he is conscious of his own power to move, influence, and guide opinion. It may be urged with more plausibility that he has confused two issues,-the state of trade and agriculture in these islands and the Union of the Empire. Is he not right, however, in holding that both are questions clamant for instant consideration? Had he selected the Colonial question only, would he not have been accused, and rightly, of dealing with half a problem? That the problem is there, Free Fooders and Radicals alike admit; but the Free - Fooder is terrified by it, and wishes it postponed, while the Radical thinks that he has found in it

What, then, will be the issue? Surely the Free-Fooder will recognise that the questions to be answered demand wider views. He will get used to the larger horizon, and will adjust his sights. The Radical will discover that the electors of Britain are not to be frightened by bogies, that the instincts of the race are not to be crushed by catchwords, and that a party with a policy of simple negation will never command the support of the British working man. Many things may happen before the general election, but time is on the side of the greater Unionism. Mr Balfour has now given a definite lead, which may safely be followed by the impatient Tariff Reformer as by the cautious Free-Fooder. Across the Atlantic come two echoes of the Edinburgh and Luton speeches -one something more than a reply to Lord Rosebery and Mr Asquith. Sir Wilfred Laurier, speaking on October 12, said :

"I tell you, fellow - countrymen, that the Government of Canada as constituted to-day are ready to go on and make a treaty of commerce with Great Britain to the extent of preference so soon as the British people are ready to give corresponding preferThe answer is no longer in our hands but in those of the British people."

ence.

On October 13, Lord Minto, at Montreal, speaking out of his full knowledge of Canadian parties and affairs, said:

"The Colonies are becoming nations with a national sentiment of their

can-with no diminution of affection to the Motherland from which they spring. A great statesman is aiming at directing into one common channel the interests of the Motherland and of her self-governing dependencies. We are face to face with a problem full of difficulties. Conditions are

changing, and we cannot afford to stand still. Now that I am leaving you, I will only say, work out the problem with all deference for the traditional doctrine of the Old World, with full regard for the hopes of your rising nationality, with all respect for racial traditions. remember always that what is good for the Empire is good for Canada, and what is good for Canada is good for the Empire."

But

The prosperity of the whole Empire is the care of our statesmen. The time is past when the interests of Scotland can be set against those of England, when an Irish industry can be crushed that English weavers may prosper. It is now time to take a wider view of our country, to recognise that though the sea may divide other nations, it is the natural highway of the island race. It is time to cease to be parochial, provincial. The recognition of the actual unity of the Empire is more important than tariff treaties or schemes of federation; but once the British race at home and in the Colonies rises to a true knowledge of the Empire as it at present is, all these things

will follow.

The means by which the closer union of the Empire is to be accomplished are still uncertain, and at present imma"Lovers will find a terial. way," says the poet. Whether

the best way has been pointed out by Sir Frederick Pollock and his patriotic symposium1 may still be matter for discussion. Their scheme at least deserves, and will doubtless receive, the thoughtful consideration of every statesman and of every student of public affairs. Its simplicity is attractive: it is thoroughly British in its plan; it appeals at once to the national pride in our ancient history, and to the national capacity for directing the constitutional machinery to new Its promulgation at this moment is an encouraging sign of the times. It will be criticised, no doubt, from many points of view. So far, however, it holds the field. If it is adopted, a more practical, a less trammelled Imperial organ

uses.

isation will grow up, will develop, than any that history records. The Mother of Parliaments will under it lose much of her power for mischief, but may still retain her dignity, and will still continue to nominate the executive of the Empire. It is a notable contribution, at the least, to the great discussion: it is more, it is the first practical scheme which has been put before the country and the Empire. Mr Balfour has been working on the lines it lays down; and from him, as from every patriotic subject of the King, it will receive the consideration due to its inherent merits, as well as to the authoritative name of the eminent jurist who modestly hides his influence under the term draughtsman.'

YINKOW, September.

THE Foreigner was unutterably bored. Only those who have to attend similar functions, buttoned up to the neck in an absurd tunic in artificially heated salons, can realise the boredom bred of a succession of diplomatic soirées. The Foreigner was bored. He had nodded to the men he knew from his Embassy, had bowed himself low in answer to the courteous salutations of other foreign mocking-birds like unto himself, had kissed the tips of the fingers of perhaps two smiling dames, and had settled himself to lean on the balustrade until the season might be seemly for him to slip down the grand stairway into the cool outside. The chatter of feminine voices, the flashing of dazzling jewellery, the nodding aigrettes, the electro-plated magnificence of waist-laced cavaliers interested him no more. The panoply of peace. He gazed at the stream of smiling faces as they moved past him. There was not one that interested him. He fell musing to himself. Was it a diplomatic reception, was it a carnival, or was it a corroboree-the modern development of those orgies the description of which had fascinated him in perusal when a boy? There was a temporary dissolution of the crowd. An archduke or a

princess was passing, and the ushers divided the crowd of gilded guests to make a passage. As the way opened the Foreigner caught sight of a face on the far side of the salon which seemed to reflect the very thoughts that were passing through his own mind. A little swarthy face. A face which, in spite of the low forehead, beady black eyes, and Mongolian bluntness, was full of intelligence. At the moment cynical intelligence. The dwarfish body which supported the head was clothed in an unobtrusive uniform, and the long ingenious fingers of the yellow hands were playing nervously with a plumed shako. An impulse seized the Foreigner,

and he walked across the room. Though he had not an acquaintance with the little yellow soldier standing against the salon wall, with his shoulder scarce reaching to the dado, yet he knew him to be an extra-attaché to the Japanese Legation, and his own thoughts seemed to be so accurately reflected in the expression on the stranger's face that the Foreigner was drawn towards him.

At the first salutation the diminutive attaché started visibly, and, taken unawares, bowed deeply and apologetically, as is the custom of his