XII. 17.] Hostility of the Covenanters to Montrose.

17

N. S.

gagement did not only refuse to meet with the lord Mountrose, 1649 but as soon as he came into the room where they were, though his majesty himself was present, they immediately withdrew, and left the room, and had the confidence to desire the King that the marquis of Mountrose (whom they called James Gryme) might be forbidden to come into his majesty's presence or Court, because he stood excommunicated by the Kirk of Scotland, and degraded and forfeited by the judicatory of that kingdom. And this proposition and demand they made confidently in writing under their hands1, and abounded so much April 8, 9, in this sense, that a learned and worthy Scotch divine, Dr. Wisharte, who was then chaplain to a Scotch regiment in the service of the States, being appointed to preach before the King on the Sunday following, they formally besought the King that he would not suffer him to preach before him, nor to come into his presence, because he stood excommunicated by the Kirk of Scotland for having refused to take the Covenant, though it was known that the true cause of the displeasure they had against that divine was because they knew that he was the author of the excellent relation of the lord Mountrose's actions in Scotland. This carriage and behaviour of those lords appeared ridiculous to all sober men, that any men should have the presumption to accuse those who had served the King with that fidelity, and were only branded by those rebellious judicatories for having performed their duty of allegiance, and to demand that the King himself should condemn them for having served his father: which made those of his majesty's Council full of indignation at their insolence, and his majesty himself declared his being offended, by using the marquis of Mountrose with the more countenance, and hearing the doctor preach with the more attention. But from this very absurd behaviour, besides his majesty's desire being frustrated of receiving the joint advice of the nobility of that kingdom in an affair that so much concerned himself and them, and besides the displeasure and distance that it caused between them and the King's Council, (who thought they might as reasonably move the 1 [Calend. Clar. S. P. II. 5.]

18 Lauderdale charges Montrose with great cruelty. [XII. 17.

1649 King that they might be removed, who lay under the same brands and reproaches in England for adhering to the Crown as the other did in Scotland,) the King had reason to be troubled with another apprehension, which was, that the marquis of Mountrose (who could not be ignorant of any thing which the other persons said or did) would out of just indignation take revenge upon those persons, whom he contemned too much; and so that the peace of the country, where his majesty was but a guest, would be violated by his subjects, as it were in his own sight; which would make his absence from thence the more desired.

18. He, to whom this unreasonable animosity was most imputed, and who indeed was the great fomenter and prosecutor of it, was the earl of Latherdale, whose fiery spirit was not capable of any moderation. One of the Council1 conferring one day with him upon a subject that could not put him into passion, and so being in a fair conversation, desired him to inform him what foul offence the marquis of Mountrose had ever committed that should hinder those to make a conjunction with him, who in respect of the rebels were in as desperate a condition as himself, and who could not more desire the King's restitution than he did. The earl told him, calmly enough, that he could not imagine or conceive the barbarities and inhumanities that he was guilty of in the time he made a war in Scotland; that he never gave quarter to any man, but pursued all the advantages he ever got with the utmost outrage and cruelty; that he had in one battle killed fifteen hundred of one family, of the Cambells, of the blood and name of Arguyle2, and that he had utterly rooted out several names and entire noble families. The other told him, that it was the nature and condition of that war that quarter was given on neither side; that those prisoners which were taken by the Scots, as once they did take some persons of honour of his party, were afterwards in cold blood hanged reproachfully, which was much worse than if they had been killed in the field; and asked him

XII. 20.] The lady Aubigny comes to the Hague.

19

if Mountrose had ever caused any man to die in cold blood, or 1619 after the battle was ended; since what was done in it flagrante was more to be imputed to the fierceness of his soldiers than tó his want of humanity. He confessed he did not know that he was guilty of any thing but what was done in the field; but concluded with more passion, that his behaviour there was so savage that Scotland would never forgive him. And in other company, where the same subject was debated, he swore with great passion, that though he wished nothing more in this world than to see the King restored, he had much rather that he should never be restored than that James Graham should be permitted to come into the Court: of which declaration of his the King was informed by William Legg and sir William Armorer, who were both present at the Hague, and in the company when he said it.

19. There was at that time in the Hague the lord Newburgh, who after the murder of the King was compelled, together with his wife, the lady Aubigny, to fly out of England, Cromwell every day making discoveries of correspondences which had been between the King and them. And thereupon they made an escape from thence, and came to the Hague1; that lord having been too young to have had a part in the former war, but had been then sent by his majesty's direction to be bred in France, from whence he returned not till his majesty was in the hands of the Scots' army; and from that time he performed all the offices of fidelity and duty to the King that a generous and worthy person could find any oppor- • tunity to perform, and with which his majesty was abundantly satisfied and pleased: and now transported himself and his wife into Holland, that he might leave her there, and himself attend the King in any expedition.

20. This lady was a woman of a very great wit, and most trusted and conversant in those intrigues which at that time

1 [The following lines are here struck out in the MS.: 'The lady had in the life of her former husband the lord Aubigny, and during the time of her widowhood, held much friendship with the Chancellor, and was very willing it should continue with her new husband, whom he had not seen before.']

20

Conference between the duke of Hamilton [XII. 20.

2

1649 could be best managed and carried on by ladies, who with less jealousy could be seen in all companies; and so she had not been a stranger to the most secret transactions with the Scots, and had much conversation with the lord Lanricke during the time the King was at Hampton Court, and whilst he stayed afterwards in London when the King was imprisoned in the Isle of Wight; and being now both in the Hague, they had much conversation together. She had likewise had long acquaintance and friendship with one of the Council, who she knew had been as much trusted as any by his father, and was believed to have credit with the present King1. She lamented those divisions amongst the Scots which every body spake of, and every body knew the disorder they produced in the King's councils, and said she desired nothing more than that there were a good understanding between duke Hambleton and him 2; which she said she was sure would easily be if they two had but once a frank conference together. The other, who indeed had an esteem for the duke, seemed very desirous of it; and she thereupon told him that the duke had expressed to her that he would be willing to embrace the occasion; and thereupon it was so concerted that within a day or two they met as by chance at her lodgings. And she so dexterously introduced them to a civility towards each other, and to express their inclinations to a mutual freedom, that after an hour's general conversation there, to which she left them and went herself abroad, they parted with fair professions of future good will; and the other 2 promised to visit him the next morning early, that they might have the more time without being interrupted; and he was with him accordingly, and found him in his bed. They continued together near two hours, the duke having commanded his servant to tell any who came to visit him that he was asleep. The other 2 spake of the proclamation, and manner of inviting the King into Scotland, and of the strange spirit that possessed those who governed there and persuaded them

1

[This sentence is substituted for the words, ‘The Chancellor being one day with this lady."]

XII. 21.] and the Chancellor of the Exchequer.

21

to imagine it possible that the King could ever be persuaded 1649 to take the Covenant, or that it could be profitable for him to do so; since it could not but much alienate the affections of all that party in England that had served his father, and upon whom he ought chiefly to depend for his restoration to the government of that kingdom. Then he spake of the differences and jealousies which were between those of that nation who had an equal desire to serve the King, and seemed to be equally persecuted by the party that now prevailed and had excluded both: and wished that some expedient might be found out to unite all those, and particularly that his grace and the marquis of Mountrose might be reconciled; towards which, he said, he was sure that the marquis had great inclination, and had always esteemed him a man of honour; which appeared by the book which was published, where he was always worthily mentioned, though it had not dealt well with many others.

21. When the duke had heard him with very civil attention, he told him, as to the first part, concerning the proclamation and the manner of inviting the King to come to them, he was not to make any other judgment by it than only of the person of the marquis of Arguyle, who, with the assistance of some few ministers, and others who were his creatures, did at present govern; that [Arguyle 1] well knew that there was an absolute necessity, in respect of the whole people, to proclaim the King after the murder of his father, and therefore he could find no other way to keep him from coming thither but by clogging the proclamation and message with those unworthy expressions, which might deter him from putting himself into their hands; which Arguyle did not wish he should do, because in his absence he was sure he should govern all, being well agreed with Cromwell how the government should be carried; and, so the King might be kept out, Cromwell would. support him against all other parties; but that they both knew well enough that if his majesty were once there the whole nation would stick to him and obey him. He confessed that there was generally so great a superstition for the 1 ['he,' MS.]

1