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their voice meets an echo in the general will, their orders will in some way or another be evaded.

The present scheme of military colonies in Russia is the most despotic and cruel that can well be conceived. It subverts without compunction all the local attachments and settled habits of the peasantry, takes from them every comfort, and gives them, in place of their former bondage, softened by habit and immemorial usage, the far-worse bondage of a military police, with the most extensive powers to enforce submission. The system is universally hated in Russia; it is hated by the nobleshated by the army and the officers -and hated by the peasantry, who groan under it in hopeless misery. That such a system can take root so as to render Russia a great military power, and formidable to her neighbours, we see no risk. The emperor is, no doubt, a great patron of this military policy. But, despot as he is, he cannot perform impossibilities. He may reduce the refractory, and compel an outward tranquillity at the point of the bayonet; but a cordial co-operation, without which his plans cannot succeed, is not to be procured amid the hatred and curses of the irritated peasantry.

After the re-establishment of peace, it naturally became a question among the Russian statesmen how the army was to be disposed of? The expence of maintaining so vast a force would have been far too great a burden on the already struggling finances of that unwieldy empire. It was resolved, therefore, to settle the soldiers as agricultural labourers, liable, at any time, to be called into the field; and, accordingly, certain of the crown villages were marked out for the residence of the soldiers, and they were called "military colonies." The whole population was immediately placed under military law; the old buildings of the peasantry were taken down, and new ones were erected, and formed into a street. The inhabitants were to have soldiers quartered on them, who, in return for their own and their family's subsistence, were to aid them in their field labours, when they could spare as much time from their military exercises. All were to wear a

military uniform, and to be subjected to the domiciliary visits of officers. The peasant on whose land the soldier is supported, and on whom he is quartered, is called the "master-colonist ;" and he becomes so far a soldier, that he is dressed in uniform, taught to march, to use the sabre, and to salute his officers. All the inhabitants of those colonies are encouraged to marry; but their wives, once within the pale of the military colonies, are never allowed to marry out of them. There are, besides, reserve-colonies, who are drafted to supply deficiences when the army is in actual service. The children born in these colonies are all soldiers. They remain with their parents until they are eight years of age; they are then sent to school, where they are taught reading, writing, and arithmetic, and they also learn a catechism containing the duties of a soldier. On alternate days, they are exercised to the use of arms, and taught to ride. After the age of thirteeen they are assembled at the head-quarters of the regiment, and formed into corps, in which those who distinguish themselves made officers. Mr Lyall mentions that he saw at a village, a body of Cantonists, as they are called, who marched, fired, and performed all the evolutions of experienced soldiers with astonishing steadiness and precision. The women in these colonies are also educated on the Lancasterian plan.

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The military colonies in the south of Russia occupy 380 villages, in the governments of Kherson, Kharkof, and Yekaterinoslaf. In these villages were colonized, in 1822, twelve regiments of Lancers, and twelve regiments of Cuirassiers, forming a total of 24,000 men. These three governments constitute a military district, which is kept so distinct from the other governments, that no one can enter it without a special passport from the military authorities. entirely military are all its institutions, that even the service of the post is performed by soldiers. At each station there is a subaltern officer, who receives and examines the traveller's order for post-horses,-another sees them harnessed to the carriage,-one soldier greases, and ano

So

ther acts as coachman. At the sight of a military cloak, or an officer's hat and feather, every peasant on the road faces about, and gives the military salute. Order is maintained in all these colonies by an inquisitorial military police, exceedingly oppressive to the peasants, who detest the whole system. Each house is daily visited by a subaltern officer, who makes his report, who inspects the order and economy of the interior, and if there is any thing wrong, has authority to reprimand, or chastise with bbws, the unfortunate inmates. Offences are judged of by committees of squadrons, and by regimental committees, which are referred to Count de Witt, the Governor, for his approbation; and from his decision there is no appeal, even though it should extend to banishment to Siberia, which is the highest punishment. The following passage sufficiently explains how grievously this system oppresses the inhabitants:

It will easily be understood, after the detail which I have just given, that such a system as that described, when first instituted, was exceedingly unpopular amongst the peasantry. The peasants' habits were broken into, at a time of life when change was irksome; an inmate forced upon him, who is often a troublesome, and always an expensive guest; his sons all obliged to continue in the colony, and to submit to a strict military discipline; his

daughters obliged to marry, if at all, with in the narrow limits of the military colonies; and he himself obliged to relinquish the natural costume, for shorn beard, cropped head, and military dress, and to submit to the tyranny of an inquisitorial police.

The iron hand of despotism could alone have induced the Russian peasant to submit to an institution, so destructive to his domestic comforts, so revolting to his prejudices, and so contrary to his interests. The grant of land, a larger allotment, probably, than he before enjoyed, the

occasional assistance of the soldier in his farm, and a house better certainly than most of them had been accustomed to, present a specious show of advantages; but, on the other hand, he loses the freedom, which he formerly possessed, of settling where he liked in Russia, and following the occupation best adapted to his interests or inclinations. He formerly

paid the moderate tax of 8 roubles, about 6s. 8d. He now supports a soldier, which

costs him from 45 to 50 roubles, or about L. 2 a-year, and his horse, which costs him from 180 to 200 roubles; for these various taxes, the compensation afforded is very inadequate.

The Emperor Alexander is so bigotted to this system, that he perseveres in carrying it forward, amid the violent disapprobation of all classes. Every thing which we see about this prince marks his despotic character, and is completely at variance with the eulogies with which he was so abundantly flattered when he was the ally of this country. It is clear, from all his actions, that hejis an inveterate enemy to whatever has the least aspect of freedom. Of any thing like popular rights he is the sworn foe; and a selfish, overweening attachment to what he considers his own interest as a Sovereign, seems to be the ruling principle of his conduct. His maxim is, that subjects should tremble and obey; any opposition to his power, or even to his will, he seems to construe into the worst species of treason; and those who are guilty of such crimes, he dooms, without remorse, to the highest penalties of the law. Nor is his care confined merely to his own subjects. So zealous is he that subjects should be loyal to kings, that his influence is extended all over the world, to crush disorder wherever it appears; those individuals being invariably termed disorderly, rebellious, or disaffected, who pretend in any matter to have a will of their own. Such being the maxims of this prince, we need not wonder at the relentless perseverance, and the cold, unfeeling cruelty, with which he perseveres in this scheme, for forming a nursery of troops. The army is the favourite instrument by which he rules; it is congenial to all his maxims of government, and is the master-spring of his authority. Hence his anxiety about this plan for converting his subjects into soldiers, and for maintaining a ready-made army in time of peace; and hence he enforces his system, totally regardless of the cries and misery of his unhappy subjects. Mr Lyall gives a most affecting account of the dismay with which the Russian peasantry viewed this encroachment on their freedom and happiness, of their vain efforts

to parry the blow, and of their final submission at the approach of bayo nets and cannon. The following is the account of the organization of these military villages:

I have had repeated opportunities of seeing some of the military colonies in the government of Novogorod. Although I had previously seen the Military Working Battalion (as it is called,) at Moscow, employed in different kinds of trade, yet I was not prepared to connect the ideas of a labourer of the ground with a soldier's uniform; and, indeed, the associa tion of soldier-agriculturist, or agricultu rist-soldier, seemed then, and still seems, extremely incongruous. The sight of soldiers in their uniform working in the fields, driving carts, building houses, repairing roads, and similar offices;-of the former gloomy and tranquil villages, converted into military stations, and provided with signal-posts and guard-houses, and numerous patroles;-of gaudilypainted posts, with gilded eagles and elegant inscriptions, indicating the boundaries of different divisions of troops, upon the great road, and at regular distances;-by its novelty, roused attention, and excited interest in the breast of the traveller, and led to meditations on the results of such an extraordinary scheme.

at once cleaned, repaired, adorned, and

Upon entering the houses of the pea sants, what a change is to be remarked, from the dirt and disorder which usually characterize the Russian cottage! Every thing bore an aspect of military regularity; the very water-pail (védro) has its assigned place, and should it happen to

be found in any other, by the inspecting

subaltern officer, on his morning-visit, a severe reprimand, if not a stroke of the cane, is sure to follow.

The military villages have been much improved: the roads in all have been repaired, and in some have been paved with stone: ditches have been dug on each side, along which rows of trees are planted; and the houses have been repaired and joined to each other by neat rails, which stretch between them, and inclose a court and garden. In some of

the villages, the names of the Master

Colonists are displayed on the fronts of

all the houses; on which are also nailed

painted boards, on each of which, beside

the number of the house, is remarked a ladder, a hatchet, a pitchfork, a waterpail, and such other articles as are necessary when a fire takes place; it being understood that the tenants of these houses have the article painted upon the board, at all times, in readiness. The same

practice is common in many parts of Russia, where there are no military colonies, though some travellers mention it as particular to certain villages.

"How much (continues Mr Lyall) the poor peasants complain of being restrained in their dwellings by the severe military police! how bitterly they regret their fate in being forced to become colonists! and how warmly they talk of utter ruin!" They make the most lamentable contrast between their new bondage and their former condition, which appears to them, from comparison, to be almost perfect freedom. At the town of Tchuguef, containing a population of 9000, the inhabitants

were so averse to the new fetters with which they were threatened, that they made great preparations for defence, and even offered violent resistance to the troops sent to colonize them. But this was merely a rash effort prompted, by despair. What could those helpless peasants effect against the whole strength of the Russian empire? They were soon surrounded by forces which it would have been madness to resist; their town was invested with cannon; all angry demonstrations of feeling were quelled by the strong arm of power, and thus they were forced to yield to their destiny. The severe punishment of the ringleaders completed this cruel tragedy, and wrung from the peasants a reluctant submission. Thus it is that we see the tears of the wretched profusely flowing when power is on the side of the oppressor; and the pang of sympathy is converted into a lively feeling of indignation, at the remorseless tyranny which builds on such a foundation of human misery.

On some of the royal journies, we are told that the afflicted peasants beset all the roads, imploring the princesses of the royal train to take pity on their woes, and to persuade schemes. Every expedient they thus the Emperor to desist from his cruel alternately try, of supplication and of resistance, to free their neck from the galling yoke; but in vain: the magnanimous Emperor perseveres in his plans for the support of his own power; and the trembling bird might as well expect mercy from the felon kite, as those helpless, unoffending

subjects, from the Sovereign who gorges his lust of despotic will at their expence. And this is the school from which Europe is henceforth to take lessons of policy. This is the pattern held out for general imitation; and any nation that shall presume to go farther in political improvement, shall be brought back to its original barbarity by threats of war. In former times, the less-improved nations were wont to copy from the more civilized. But the rule is now reversed; the world is turned upside down by the great military powers, and it is the improved nations that must now copy from their more barbarous neighbours. The world must be kept in salutary ignorance, for the convenience of princes. The vile multitude must be sacrificed for the pleasure of one or two. Every chink must be shut up through which light might, by any possibility, break in, that Russia may be converted into a gloomy and capacious prison, in which its ignorant inhabitants may be confined in darkness and chains. This is the object of the Holy Alliance, not only to keep their own subjects in ignorance, but to foster ignorance every where, lest the light of knowledge, once kindled, should reach the benighted regions under their sway. And the tyranny and cruelty exercised in planting those military colonies in Russia, may serve as a specimen of the Government held up as a pattern to the rest of Europe, and of the state to which these powers would have the world reduced.

We agree, however, with Mr Lyall, in thinking that a scheme of such pure violence cannot succeed. Power, however despotic in its forms, is always subject to some limitations, if not from positive law, at any rate from the authority of manners. In barbarous countries, religion frequently imposes some restraint, how ever imperfect. But in more civilized states, public opinion is the most effectual controul, to which kings, however despotic, are forced to pay some sort of deference. No despot in Russia could carry tyranny to the same length as in Turkey; there is not the same field for it as in a more barbarous community. Knowledge

sets bounds to violence, whether proceeding from kings or from the people,-it may be said to be the measure of popular freedom,-the vessel which holds it, according to the capacity of which the people will be more or less free. Now, in Russia, knowledge is rapidly extending. There has already grown up a body of public opinion, which acts, though rather remotely and indirectly, on the operations of Government; so that a measure so hateful as that of the military colonies, though it may be propt up for a while by the despotic nature of the Government, must fall to the ground at last, before the united opposition of all classes. Our author calculates the prodigious resources which this system will create for recruiting the army, and what a formidable military power Russia will become with such a proportion of her peasantry bred to arms. If the scheme could be realised, Europe might no doubt have cause to tremble at her growing power. But no nation ever yet became military in time of peace. It is necessity, as we before had occasion to remark, the pressing sense of public danger, which begets martial habits; and that being withdrawn, a corresponding relaxation will take place in spite of all the terrors of despotism. Particular commands may be enforced; but it is beyond the power of despotism itself to create alacrity and zeal for the execution of its projects; and without this they may go on for a while languidly enough, but they never can succeed; and Russia, with all these ill-directed efforts, will still be found an unwieldy mass, with more of bulk than of solid strength. It is by a totally different policy, by a policy directed to the improvement of the people; it is by diffusing knowledge among them, training them up to commerce and industry, and instructing them in all the acts of civil life, that this nation can be rendered truly great. By pursuing any other course, the work of improvement will only be retarded,— despotism may for a while contend against impossibilities,-but, foiled in the end, it will be forced to return into the ordinary beaten track, when it is found that there is no imperial road to national improvement.

A

CONFERENCE BETWEEN TWO M. P.'s, UNFOLDING AN EASY METHOD OF ADAPTING OUR MONIES, WEIGHTS, AND MEASURES, TO THE DECIMAL SCALE.

THE AUTHORS TO THEIR FELLOW-COUNTRY MEN, GREETING:

It concerneth you not to know who or what we are, who designate ourselves Sir G. and Sir J., nor why we have thought it meet to issue this our joint work from the capital of Scotland, rather than from the metropolis of Britain; but it verily concerneth you much to feel that it is for your profit and pleasure that our conference has been penned, and printed, and published.

Scene-A Library-Sir J. W. seated
at a table, on which are books and
papers.

Enter Sir G. C.
Sir G. GOOD-morning, W.; but
I interrupt you.

Sir J. No, my dear Sir, you find me fancying improvements which, I fear, will never be realized.

Sir G. Indeed! that is quite the order of the day-improvement-reform-nothing else is now thought of. Sir J. I was thinking, certainly, of a reform.

Sir G. And of the Constitution, no doubt?

Sir J. Yes, of the constitution of our monetary system !

Sir G. Ha of the tens, hundreds, and thousands, that you lost last night. And you are thinking of recovering them ?

Sir J. I have no such intention, C., but

Sir G. But you are a great admirer of the French decimal monies; and your patriotic feelings are hurt, forsooth, because you are prevented from conferring a similar boon upon your own country!

Sir J. I at least marvel that this country, the mistress of the sciences and arts, should not have the wisdom to adopt so very beautiful a system.

Sir G. Or rather, you might say, that she has so great a reverence for every relic of the "olden time," that she cannot think of parting with her present one.

Sir J. Or that she will not, because she might be thought to copy from the French.

Sir G. Or simply, as we say in the North, she canna be fashed. But are our lively neighbours the only people who employ such a system ?

Sir J. They are not: you may find it at work in Russia, Persia,

China, Japan, Portugal, Rome, Naples, Switzerland, the United States of America, and the United States of the Netherlands.

Sir G. And so, after smoking over many a grave debate, our friends the Dutch have also received it!

Sir J. And I am afraid that even the Caffres and the Cherokees will be before us in their monetary reform.

Sir G. Patriotically said! But granting, as I do, that a regular is better than an irregular progression, I am yet to learn that the decimal is the most proper one.

Sir J. It is the most proper, because it is that of our numeration.

Sir G. But that the decimal scale of numbers was at first adopted, was by no means owing to its intrinsic excellence.

Sir J. Surely not. It originated in a period of society when the fingers were employed as the readiest instrument of numeration.

Sir G. And had Nature furnished us with twelve, instead of ten fingers, we should now be in possession of a scale much better adapted to the purposes of calculation.

Sir J. No doubt we should. But of any such change there is as little probability, as that all mankind shall ever agree to use the same language.

Sir G. Yet a universal language was contemplated by Condorcet as a step to the future perfectibility of our species.

Sir J. And it was a scheme nearly as wild that Charles the XII. proposed to himself, when, in his camp and amid his armies, he meditated the introduction of the duodecimal scale of numbers.

Sir G. Ha ha ha! And so Charles and Condorcet were radical reformers !

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