mary a refuge for both Catholic and Puritan nonconformists; and in all these colonies-even in loyalist Virginia-government by the people through their representatives was firmly established. The first Stuart monarchs failed to realize that in England the government had for centuries derived its powers from the 355. Sum- consent of the governed. They therefore attempted to exercise in defiance of the will of Parliament all the rights and privileges which the Tudor monarchs exercised with its tacit consent. But conditions were changed: neither foreign war nor internal treason now endangered the stability of the state; no extraordinary dangers now justified the levy. ing of benevolences or forced loans; the extraordinary courts of the Star Chamber and of High Commission were employed to punish, not the enemies of the state, but the defenders of its liberties; those who controlled the Church of England represented only a minority of its members; the king's ministers were selected for their personal charm, their social gifts, or their pliant disposition; the religious convictions of the dissenting factions became constantly more extreme and more sharply defined. It is no wonder, then, that every Parliament summoned by James and Charles was more determined than its predecessor to restrict the king's power to a minimum. On the other hand, it is not surprising that both these monarchs strove to retain powers which they knew had been freely exercised by Henry VIII. and his children; but they failed to judge the strength of the popular feeling, although it might easily have been estimated from the boldness of parliamentary debaters and the steady emigration of Puritans to America. Suggestive topics TOPICS (1) Compare the doctrine quoted from Cowell's Interpreter in §334 with the claims made by Richard II. (§ 214). (2) Were the pro posed Puritan reforms in the church service vital? (3) Why was it essential for Parliament to safeguard its members against arrest at the will of the monarch? (4) Whence arose the king's theoretical right to levy import duties? (5) Find examples where previous kings exercised similar rights. (6) Show that this theory did not apply to the Stuart attempts to levy tonnage and poundage. (7) Point out the analogy between Magna Charta and the Petition of Right. (8) Give instances where previous monarchs unwisely intrusted the government to favorites. (9) Did the end sought and obtained by Wentworth in Ireland justify the means employed? (10) What in the ceremony of coronation seems to favor the theory of the divine right of kings? (11) What was impeachment? the dissolution of Parliament? the proroguing of Parliament? (12) The bearing of Henry VIII.'s will upon the succession to Search the crown after Elizabeth's death. (13) A discussion of Went- topics worth's theory of government. (14) Prynne's case. (15) The journey of Prince Charles and Buckingham to Madrid, to win the Infanta. (16) The history of the King James Version of the Bible. (17) Sir Walter Raleigh after 1603. (18) Milton's criticism in Lycidas of the English Church as it existed under Laud. (19) Laud's private life and character. (20) Imprisonment of Sir John Eliot. (21) Did Charles try to avoid signing the Petition of Right? REFERENCES See maps, pp. 246, 384, 385; Gardiner, School Atlas, map 28; Geography Poole, Historical Atlas, maps xxvii. xxxi.; Reich, New Students' Atlas, map 22. Bright, History of England, II. 581-644; Gardiner, Student's Secondary authorities History, 481-529; The Puritan Revolution, ch. i. § 3-ch. vi. § 3; History of England, 1603-1643, I.-IX.; Ransome, Advanced History, 485-537; Green, Short History, 474-534; History of the English People, bk. vii. chs. i.-vii.; Montague, Elements of Constitutional History, 113–124 ; Powell and Tout, History of England, 551-595; Brewer, Student's Hume, ch. xxi.; Lingard, History of England, VI. chs. i.-v.; Cordery and Phillpotts, King and Commonwealth, chs. i.-iv.; Bayne, Chief Actors of the Puritan Revolution, chs. i.-iv.; Masson, Life of Milton, I.; Traill, Strafford; Goldwin Smith, Three English Statesmen (Pym and Hampden); Benson, William Laud; Hutton, Laud; Rodd, Sir Walter Raleigh, chs. xii.-xvi. ; Macaulay, History of England, ch. i.; Essays (“Bacon," "Hampden "); Mozley, Essays ("Strafford," "Laud "); Mackinnon, Union of England and Scotland, 1-8; Egerton, Short Sources Illustrative works History of British Colonial Policy, chs. ii. iii.; Lawless, Ireland, XXX.-xxxiv. ; Morris, Ireland, 1494-1868, 122–136; Lang, History of Scotland, II. chs. xviii.-xxi., III. chs. i.-iii.; Brown, History of Scotland, II. 240-321; Corbett, England in the MediterraneUK, 1603-1713, chs. i.-x.; Creighton, Historical Lectures and Addresses, 164-187; Taswell-Langmead, Constitutional History, 405–480; Traill, Social England, ch. xiii. Adams and Stephens, Select Documents, nos. 181–194; Colby, Selections from the Sources, nos. 68-70; Kendall, Source-Book. ch. xi.; Hill, Liberty Documents, ch. vi.; Gardiner, Constitutional Documents of the Puritan Revolution, pt. i.; Prothero, Statutes and Constitutional Documents, 250-438; Gee and Hardy, Docu ments of Church History, nos. lxxxviii.-xcvii.; Henderson, Side Lights, 33-84; Carlyle, Oliver Cromwell's Letters and Speeches, pt. i.; Hart, American History told by Contemporaries, I. chs. iv. vi. See New England History Teachers' Association, Syllabus, 250-252,- Historical Sources, § 56. Ainsworth, The Spanish Match; Bates and Coman, English History told by English Poets, 304-316; Browning, Strafford; Frith, For Queen and King; G. P. R. James, Arabella Stuart; Mitford, Charles the First; Scott, The Fortunes of Nigel. CHAPTER XXII. USURPATION OF POWER BY THE LONG PARLIAMENT (1640-1642) 356. Opening of the Long Parliament (Nov. 3, 1640) THE members of the Long Parliament, both Lords and Commons, were agreed upon two things-that Parliament should assert its absolute control over taxation, and that the king's evil advisers, Strafford and Laud, should be stripped of their power for harm. Parliament assembled November 3, 1640, and eight days later the Commons impeached Strafford of high treason, on the ground that he had "endeavored to subvert the ancient and fundamental laws of the realm and to introduce an arbitrary and tyrannical form of government." To Strafford's defense that he had "committed no treason against the king," Pym, the leader of the prosecution, made a significant reply. In attacking England, he said, Strafford had really attacked the king, since the king was merely a representative of the nation. 357. Fate and Laud This was a definition of treason not to be found in the law books; fearing that the Lords would refuse to convict on that charge, the Commons dropped the impeachment and substituted a bill of attainder, which required simply that a of Strafford vote to "attaint" his life and property should be passed by both houses and signed by the king. The Commons passed the bill readily, the Lords with reluctance; and Charles, although he had twice given his word that Strafford should "not suffer in person, honor, or fortune," weakly signed the bill to avoid a contest with Parliament, remarking, as he did so, "The Earl of Strafford is a happier man than I am." : Strafford was at once put to death, but Laud's fate was postponed he was impeached on the charge of "endeavoring to subvert the laws and the religion by those laws established," but was permitted to remain in the Tower without trial for two years, while Parliament carried on its political contest with the king. 358. Par reforms (1641) Par In February, 1641, a bill was passed authorizing the elec tion of a new Parliament at least once in three years, even though the king should fail to summon one; and three liamentary months later Charles agreed that the existing Parliament should not be dissolved without its own consent. liament then began the correction of abuses. In July, 1641, it voted that the levying of ship money, and likewise the levying of tonnage and poundage, were illegal. Later it voted for the abolition of the Star Chamber and the Court of High Commission. 359. As the king assented to these measures, the political strain was now relieved, but the religious problem was becoming acute. The champions of the "Episcopal Church as by law established" were threatened by two dangers on the one hand, the growing strength of the Presbyterians; on the other, a return of Roman Catholicism under cover of the Laudian, or "high church," movement. The latter danger seemed the greater, since it had the support of the king; and therefore, in June, 1641, the Commons passed a bill for abolishing "root and branch" all archbishops, bishops, deans, archdeacons, prebendaries, and canons. Though rejected by the House of Lords, this bill is an evidence of the progress of Presby terianism. In August, 1641, Charles visited Scotland, and by making concessions and scattering favors secured from Argyle, the leader of the Scottish malcontents, a promise that they would remain neutral in case of war in England. The king was determined to fight, rather than to make more con Charles's attitude |