Parliament had been compelled to repeal a recent act of just toleration, in deference to popular prejudices.1

In the beginning of this reign, the populace had combined with the press in hooting Lord Bute out of the king's service; and for many years afterwards popular excitement was kept alive by the ill-advised measures of the Court and Parliament. It was a period of discontent and turbulence.

In 1765, the Spitalfields' silk-weavers, exasperated by the rejection of a bill for the protection of their trade The Silkby the House of Lords, paraded in front of St. weavers' riots, 1765. James' Palace with black flags, surrounded the Houses of Parliament at Westminster, and questioned the peers as they came out, concerning their votes. May 15th. They assailed the Duke of Bedford, at whose instance the bill had been thrown out; and having been dispersed by cavalry in Palace Yard, they proceeded to attack May 17th. Bedford House, whence they were repulsed by the guards.2 It was an irregular and riotous attempt to overawe the deliberations of Parliament. It was tumult of the old type, opposed alike to law and rational liberty; but it was not the less successful. Encouraged by the master-manufacturers, and exerted in a cause then in high favor with statesmen, it was allowed to prevail. Lord Halifax promised to satisfy the weavers; and in the next year, to their great joy, a bill was passed restraining the importation of foreign silks.*

8

Popular ex

But the general discontents of the time shortly developed other popular demonstrations far more formidable, which were destined to form a new era in consti- citement, tutional government. In 1768, the excitement of 1768. the populace in the cause of Wilkes led to riots and a conflict

1 Naturalization of Jews, 1754.

2 Ann. Reg., 1765, p. 41; Grenville Papers, iii. 168-172; Walp. Mem., ii. 155, et seq.; Rockingham Mem., 200, 207; Adolphus' Hist., i. 177; Lord Mahon's Hist., v. 152.

3 He wrote to Lord Hillsborough to assure the master-weavers that the bill should pass both Houses. - Rockingham Mem., i. 200–207.

4 6 Geo. III. c. 28.

ings and as

sociations, 1768-70.

with the military. But the tumultuous violence of mobs was succeeded by a deeper and more constitutional agitation. The violation of the rights of the electors of Middlesex by the Commons, united, in support of Wilkes, the first statesmen of the time, the parliamentary opposition, the wronged electors, the magistrates and citizens of London, a large body of the middle classes, the press, and the populace. Enthusiastic meetings of freeholders were assembled to support their Public meet- champion, with whom the freeholders of other counties made common cause. The throne was approached by addresses and remonstrances. Junius thundered forth his fearful invectives. Political agitation was rife in various forms; but its most memorable feature was that of public meetings, which at this period began to take their place among the institutions of the country.2 No less than seventeen counties held meetings to support the electors of Middlesex. Never had so general a demonstration of public sentiment been made, in such a form. It was a new phase in the development of public opinion. This movement was succeeded by the formation of a "society for supporting the bill of rights."

8

Ten years later, public meetings assumed more importance Public meet- and a wider organization. The freeholders of ings, 1779-80. Yorkshire and twenty-three other counties, and the inhabitants of many cities, were assembled by their sheriffs and chief magistrates to discuss economical and parliamentary reform. These meetings were attended by the leading men. of each neighborhood; and speeches were made, and resolutions and petitions agreed to, with a view to influence Parliament, and attract public support to the cause. 1 Supra, Vol. I. 374-383.

2 Ann. Reg., 1770, p. 58, 60. On the 31st October, 1770, a large meeting of the electors of Westminster was held in Westminster Hall, when Mr. Wilkes counselled them to instruct their members to impeach Lord North. Adolphus' Hist., i. 451; Ann. Reg., 1770, p. 159; Chron., 206; Lord Rockingham's Mem., ii. 93; Cooke's Hist. of Party, iii. 187.

8 Ann. Reg., 1770, p. 58.

2

sociations.

A great meeting was held in Westminster Hall, with Mr. Fox in the chair, which was attended by the Duke of Portland, and many of the most eminent members of the Opposition. Nor were these meetings spontaneous in each locality. They were encouraged by active correspondence, association, and concerted movements throughout the country.1 Committees of correspondence and association were Political asappointed by the several counties, who kept alive the agitation; and delegates were sent to London to give it concentration. This practice of delegation was severely criticised in Parliament. Its representative principle was condemned as a derogation from the rights of the legislature: no county delegates could be recognized, but knights of the shire returned by the sheriff. Mainly on this ground, the Commons refused to consider a petition of thirty-two delegates who signed themselves as freeholders only. The future influence of such an organization over the deliberations of Parliament was foreseen; but it could not be prevented. Delegates were a natural incident to association. Far from arrogating to themselves the power of the Commons, they approached that body as humble petitioners for redress. They represented a cause, not the people. So long as it was lawful for men to associate, to meet, to discuss, to correspond, and to act in concert for political objects, they could select delegates to represent their opinions. If their aims were lawful and their conduct orderly, no means which they deemed necessary for giving effect to free discussion were unconstitutional; and this system, - subject, however, to certain restraints, has generally found a place in later political organizations. Other political societies and clubs were now established ; and the principle of association was brought

-

1 Supra, Vol. I. 412; Ann. Reg., 1780, p. 85; Parl. Hist., xx. 1378; Wyvill's Political Papers, i. 1, et seq.; Wraxall's Mem., iii. 292, &c.; Rockingham Mem., ii. 391-403; Lord J. Russell's Life of Fox, i. 222. 2 13th Nov., 1780; 2d April and 8th May, 1781; Parl. Hist., xxi. 844; xxii. 95, 138.

8 Infra, pp. 174, 185. Adolphus' Hist., iii. 233.

into active operation, with all its agencies. At this time Mr. Pitt, the future enemy of political combinations, encouraged associations to forward the cause of parliamentary reform, took counsel with their delegates, and enrolled himself a member of the society for constitutional information.1

Here were further agencies for working upon the public mind, and bringing the popular will to bear upon affairs of state. Association for political purposes,

Political associations considered.

and large assemblages of men, henceforth became the most powerful and impressive form of agitation. Marked by reality and vital power, they were demonstrations at once of moral conviction and numerical force. They combined discussion with action. However forcibly the press might persuade and convince, it moved men singly in their homes and business; but here were men assembled to bear witness to their earnestness: the scattered forces of public opinion were collected and made known: a cause was popularized by the sympathies and acclamations of the multitude. people confronted their rulers bodily, as at the hustings.2

The

Again, association invested a cause with permanent interest. Political excitement may subside in a day but a cause adopted by a body of earnest and active men is not suffered to languish. It is kept alive by meetings, deputations, correspondence, resolutions, petitions, tracts, advertisements. It is never suffered to be forgotten: until it has triumphed, the world has no peace.

Public meetings and associations were now destined to exercise a momentous influence on the state. Their force was great and perilous. In a good cause, and

directed by wise

1 See resolutions agreed to at a meeting of members and delegates at the Thatched House Tavern, May 18th, 1782, in Mr. Pitt's own writing. State Tr., xxii. 492; also Mr. Pitt's evidence on the Trial of Horne Tooke. Ibid., xxv. 381.

"Les

2 "L'association possède plus de puissance que la presse' moyens d'exécution se combinent, les opinions se déploient avec cette force, et cette chaleur, que ne peut jamais attendre la pensée écrite.” — Tocqueville, Démocr. en Amerique, i. 277.

-De

and honorable men, they were designed to confer signal benefits upon their country and mankind. In a bad cause, and under the guidance of rash and mischievous leaders, they were ready instruments of tumult and sedition. The union of moral and physical force may convince, but it may also practise intimidation: arguments may give place to threats, and fiery words to deeds of lawless violence.1 Our history abounds with examples of the uses and perils of political agitation.

1778-80.

The dangers of such agitation were exemplified at this very time, in their worst form, by the Protestant Protestant associations. In 1778, the legislature having con- associations, ceded to the Catholics of England a small measure of indulgence, a body of Protestant zealots in Scotland associated to resist its extension to that country. So rapidly had the principle of association developed itself, that no less than eighty-five societies, or corresponding committees, were established in communication with Edinburgh. The fanaticism of the people was appealed to by speeches, pamphlets, handbills, and sermons, until the pious fury of the populace exploded in disgraceful riots. Yet was this wretched agitation too successful. The Catholics of Scotland waived their just rights for the sake of peace; and Parliament submitted its own judgment to the arbitrament of Scottish mobs.2

This agitation next extended to England. A Protestant association was formed in London, with which Lord George

ident.

numerous local societies, committees, and clubs in Gordon, presvarious parts of the kingdom, were affiliated. Of this extensive confederation, in both countries, Lord George Gordon was elected president. The Protestants of Scotland had overawed the legislature: might not the Protestants of

1 "On ne peut se dissimuler que la liberté illimitée d'association, en matière politique, ne soit, de toutes les libertés, la dernière qu'un peuple puisse supporter. Si elle ne la fait pas tomber dans l'anarchie, elle la lui fait, pour ainsi dire, toucher à chaque instant."- De Tocqueville, Démocr.,

i. 231.

2 Infra, p. 323.

VOL. II.