Orange

societies in the army,1 and calling attention to the conduct of the Duke of Cumberland. His Majesty promised his ready compliance.2 The most indefensible part of the organization was now condemned. Early in the ensuing Address session, the disclosures of the committee being against then complete, another address was unanimously lodges, Feb. 23d, 1836. agreed to, praying the king to take measures for the effectual discouragement of Orange lodges, and generally of all political societies, excluding persons of different religions, and using secret signs and symbols, and acting by means of associated branches. Again the king assured the House of his compliance. His Majesty's answer having been communicated to the Duke of Cumberland by the Home Secretary, his Royal Highness announced that he had already recommended the dissolution of Orange societies in Ireland, and would take measures to dissolve them in England.*

、

Other societies have endeavored to advance their cause

by public discussions, and appeals to their numbers Peculiarity

societies.

and resolution. The Orange Association labored of Orange secretly to augment its numbers, and stimulate the ardor of its associates, by private intercourse and correspondence. Publicity is the very life of constitutional agitation; but secrecy and covert action distinguished this anomalous institution. Such peculiarities raised suspicions that men who shrank from appealing to public opinion, meditated a resort to force. It was too late to repel Catholic aggression and democracy by argument; but might they not, even yet, be resisted by the sword ? 5 That such designs were entertained by the leading Orangemen, few but their most rancorous enemies affected to believe; but it was plain that a prince of

1 Hans. Deb., 3d Ser., xxx. 58, 95, 266; Ann. Reg., 1835, chap. xii.; Comm. Journ., xc. 533.

2 lbid., 552.

8 Hans. Deb., 3d Ser., xxxi. 779, 870.

4 Ann. Reg., 1836, p. 19.

5 See Letters of Col. Fairman, Report of Committee, 1835, No. 605, p.

the blood and the proudest nobles, -inflamed by political discontents, and associated with reckless and foolish men, might become not less dangerous to the state, than the most vulgar tribunes of the people.

Anti-Sla

tion.

Such were the failures of two great combinations, respectively representing the Catholics and Protestants of very Associa- Ireland, and their ancient feuds. While they were in dangerous conflict, another movement essentially differing from these in the sentiments from which it sprang, and the means by which it was forwarded was brought to a successful issue. In 1833, the generous labors of the Anti-Slavery Association were consummated. The venerable leaders of the movement which had condemned the slavetrade,1 together with Mr. Fowell Buxton, and other younger associates, had revived the same agency, for attaining the abolition of slavery itself. Again were the moral and religious feelings of the people, successfully appealed to: again did the press, the pulpit, the platform, - petitions, addresses, and debates, stimulate and instruct the people. Again was public opinion persuaded and convinced; and again a noble cause was won, without violence, menace, or dictation.2

Trades'

Let us now turn to other combinations of this period, formed by working men alone, with scarcely a unions, 1834. leader from another class. In 1834, the trades' unions which had hitherto restricted their action to matters affecting the interests of operatives and their employers, were suddenly impelled to a strong political demonstration. Six laborers had been tried at Dorchester for adter laborers. ministering unlawful oaths, and were sentenced to transportation. The unionists were persuaded that these

The Dorches

8

1 Supra, p. 133.

2 Life of Wilberforce, v. 122-127, 163-171, &c.; Life of Sir Fowell Buxton, 125, 256, 311, &c.; Ann. Reg., 1833, ch. vii.

3 Courts and Cabinets of Will. IV., &c., ii. 82. The Duke of Buckingham says that two out of the six "Dorchester laborers" were dissenting ministers.

unions, April

men had been punished as an example to themselves: they had administered similar oaths, and were amenable to the same terrible law. Their leaders, therefore, re- Procession solved to demand the recall of the Dorchester of trades? laborers; and to support their representations by 21st, 1834. an exhibition of physical force. A petition to the king was accordingly prepared; and a meeting of trades' unions was summoned to assemble at Copenhagen Fields on the 21st of April, and escort a deputation, by whom it was to be presented, About 30,000 men assembled on that

to the Home Office.

day, marshalled in their several unions, and bearing emblems of their several trades. After the meeting, they formed a procession and marched, in orderly array, past Whitehall, to Kennington Common, while the deputation was left to its mission, at the Home Office. The leaders hoped to overawe the government by their numbers and union; but were quickly undeceived. The deputation presented themselves at the Home Office, and solicited the interview which Lord Melbourne had appointed: but they were met by Mr. Phillips, the under-secretary, and acquainted that Lord Melbourne could not receive the petition presented in such a manner, nor admit them to his presence, attended, as they were, by 30,000 men. They retired, humbled and crestfallen, and half afraid to announce their discomfiture at Kennington: they had failed in their mission, by reason of the very demonstration upon which they had rested their hopes of

success.

Meanwhile the procession passed onwards, without disturbance. The people gazed upon them as they passed, with mingled feelings of interest and pity, but with little apprehension. The streets were quiet: there were no signs of preparation to quell disorder: not a soldier was to be seen: even the police were in the background. Yet, during the previous night, the metropolis had been prepared as for a siege. The streets were commanded by unseen artillery: the barracks and public offices were filled with soldiers under

arms large numbers of police and special constables were close at hand. Riot and outrage could have been crushed at a blow; but neither sight nor sound was there, to betray distrust of the people, or provoke them to a collision with authority. To a government thus prepared, numbers were no menace: they were peaceable, and were unmolested. The vast assemblage dispersed; and a few days afterwards, a deputation, with the petition, was courteously received by Lord Melbourne.1 It was a noble example of moderation and firmness on the part of the executive, worthy of imitation in all times.

Soon after these events, a wider combination of working The Chartists, men was commenced, the history of which is 1837-1848. pregnant with political instruction. The origin of Chartism was due to distress and social discontents, rather than to political causes. Operatives were jealous of their employers, and discontented with their wages, and the high price of food; and between 1835 and 1839, many were working short time in the factories, or were wholly out of employment. The recent introduction of the new poor law was also represented as an aggravation of their wrongs. Their discontents were fomented, but their distresses not alleviated, by trades' unions.

Torch-light meetings.

In 1838 they held vast torch-light meetings throughout Lancashire. They were addressed in language of frantic violence: they were known to be collecting arms: factories were burned: tumults and insurrection were threatened. In November, the government desired the magistrates to give notice of the illegality of such meetings, and of their intention to prevent them; and in December, a proclamation was issued for that purpose.2

Nov. 22d, 1838.

Hitherto the Chartists had been little better than the Luddites of a former period. Whatever their political objects,

1 Ann. Reg., 1834, Chron. p. 58; Courts and Cabinets of Will. IV., ii. 82.

2 Ann. Reg., 1839, p. 304; Carlyle's Tract on Chartism.

1839.

they were obscured by turbulence and a wild spirit of discontent, to which hatred of capitalists seemed to be The National' the chief incitement., But in 1838, the "People's Petition, Charter" was agreed upon; and a national petition read at numerous meetings, in support of it.1 Early in 1839, a national convention of delegates from the working classes was established in London, whose views were explained in the monster national petition, signed by 1,280,000 persons, and presented to the House of Commons on the 14th of June. It prayed for universal suffrage, vote by ballot, annual parliaments, the payment of members, and the abolition of their property qualification, such being the five points of the people's charter. The members of the convention deprecated appeals to physical force; and separated themselves, as far as possible, from those turbulent Chartists who had preached, and sometimes even practised, a different doctrine. The petition was discussed with temper and moderation; but certainly with no signs of submission to the numbers and organization of the petitioners.

3

Chartist

turbulence.

While the political section of Chartists were appealing to Parliament for democratic reform, their lawless associates, in the country, were making the name riots and of Chartists hateful to all classes of society. There were Chartist riots at Birmingham, at Sheffield, at Newcastle : contributions were extorted from house to house by threats and violence: the services of the church were invaded by the intrusion of large bodies of Chartists. At some of their meetings, the proceedings bore a remarkable resemblance to those of 1819. At a great meeting at Kersal Moor, near Manchester, there were several female associations; and in imitation of the election of legislatorial attorneys, Chartists were desired to attend every election; when the members 1 Ann. Reg., 1838, Chron. p. 120.

2 Hans. Deb., 3d Ser., xlviii. 222; Ann. Reg., 1839, p. 304.

3 June 14th, July 12th, Hans. Deb., 3d Ser., xlviii. 222, xlix. 220. A motion for referring it to a committee was negatived by a majority of 189 -Ayes, 46; Noes, 235.