of magistrates chosen by themselves. To the representative principle itself few objections were offered; but no scheme for carrying it into effect has yet found favor with the legislature. Distinctive character of counties and towns. Counties represent the aristocratic, - towns the democratic principles of our constitution. In counties, territorial power, ancestral honors, family connections, and local traditions have dominion. The lords of the soil still enjoy influence and respect, little less than feudal. Whatever forms of administration may be established, their ascendency is secure. Their power is founded upon the broad basis of English society; not upon laws or local institutions. In towns, power is founded upon numbers 0 and association. The middle classes, descendants and representatives of the stout burghers of olden times, have sway. The wealth, abilities, and public virtues of eminent citizens may clothe them with influence; but they derive authority from the free suffrages of their fellow-citizens, among whom they dwell. The social differences of counties and towns have naturally affected the conditions of their local administration and political tendencies; but both have contributed, in different ways, to the good government of the state. CHAPTER XVI. Government of Ireland before the Union:- The Legislature and the Executive: - Protestant Ascendency: - Ireland a Dependency:- Commercial Restrictions: - The Volunteers: - Legislative and Judicial Independence granted 1782:- The United Irishmen and other Associations: The Rebellion of 1798:- The Union:- Its Benefits Deferred: - Freedom and Equality finally assured. in Ireland. WE have seen liberty steadily advancing, in every form, and under every aspect, throughout our political Progress and religious institutions. And nowhere has its of liberty advance been more conspicuous than in Ireland. In that country, the English laws and constitution had been established as if in mockery. For ages its people were ruled, by a conquering and privileged race, as aliens and outlaws.2 Their lands were wrested from them: their rights trampled under foot: their blood and their religion proscribed. before the Before George III. commenced his reign, the dawn of better days was brightening the horizon; yet, Government what was then the political condition of his Irish of Ireland subjects? They were governed by a Parliament, Union. whence every Catholic was excluded. The House of Lords was composed of prelates of the Protestant The Lords. church, and of nobles of the same faith, owners of boroughs, patrons of corporations, masters of the representation, and in close alliance with the castle. The House 1 Leland, Hist., i. 80, &c.; Plowden's Hist., i. 33. 2 Davis, 100, 109. 8 For the earlier history of Ireland see Plowden, i. 1-332; Leland, Pre.im. Discourse; O'Halloran; Moore; and a succinct but comprehensive outline by Hallam, Const. Hist., c. xviii. 4 Hardy's Life of Lord Charlemont, i. 102. of Commons assumed to represent the country; but the elec The Commons. tive franchise, narrow and illusory in other re : spects, was wholly denied to five sixths of the people,1 on account of their religion. Every vice of the English representative system was exaggerated in Ireland. Nomination boroughs had been more freely created by the crown: in towns, the members were returned by patrons or close corporations in counties, by great proprietors. In an assembly of 300, twenty-five lords of the soil alone returned no less than 116 members. A comparatively small number of patrons returned a majority; and, acting in concert, were able to dictate their own terms to the government. So well were their influence and tactics recognized, that they were known as the "parliamentary undertakers."5 Theirs was not an ambition to be satisfied with political power and ascendency they claimed more tangible rewards, titles, offices, pensions, - for themselves, their relatives and dependents. Self-interest and corruption were all but universal, in the entire scheme of parliamentary government. Two thirds of the House of Commons, on whom the government generally relied, were attached to its interest by offices, pensions, or promises of preferment. Patrons and nominees alike exacted favors; and, in five-and-twenty years, the Irish pension-list was trebled." Places and pensions, the price of parliamentary services, were publicly 1 Primate Boulter admitted that there were five Catholics to one Protestant in the reign of Geo. II. - Plowden's Hist., i. 269, 271; Grattan's Life, i. 64. 2 2 Geo. I. c. 19; 1 Geo. II. c. 9, s. 7. 8 Leland, ii. 437; Plowden's Hist., i. 109; App., xv. xvi.; Carte's Ormond, i. 18; Lord Mountmorres' Hist. of the Irish Parliament, i. 166, &c.; Desiderata Curiosa Hibernica, 308; Moore's Hist., iv. 164. 4 Massey's (on the authority of the Bolton MSS.) Hist., iii. 264. See also Wakefield's Statistical and Political Account of Ireland, ii. 301. 5 Wilkinson's Survey of South of Ireland, 57; Adolphus' Hist., i. 161. 6 Plowden's Hist., i. 360, 375. See also analysis of the ministerial ma jority in 1784, in the Bolton MSS., Massey's Hist., iii. 265. 7 Plowden's Hist., i. 451; supra, Vol. I. 212. 8 bought and sold in the market.1 But these rewards, however lavishly bestowed, failed to satisfy the more needy and prodigal, whose fidelity was purchased from time to time. with hard cash.2 Parliamentary corruption was a recognized instrument of government no one was ashamed of it. Even the speaker, whose office should have raised him above the low intrigues and sordid interests of faction, was mainly relied upon for the of the House of Commons. management And this corrupt and servile assembly, once in- Parliament trusted with power, might continue to abuse it expired only for an indefinite period. If not subservient to the crown. crown, it was dissolved; but, however neglectful of the rights and interests of the people, it was firmly installed as their master. The law made no provision for its expiration, save on the demise of the crown itself. on demise of tive. Such being the legislature, to whom the rights of the people were intrusted, the executive power was The execunecessarily in the hands of those who corruptly wielded its authority. The lord-lieutenant, selected from English nobles of the highest rank, was generally superior to the petty objects of local politicians; but he was in the hands of a cabinet consisting of men of the dominant faction, intent upon continuing their own power, and ministering to the ambition and insatiable greed of their own families and adherents. Surrounded by intrigues and troubles, he escaped as much as possible from the intolerable thraldom of a residence in Ireland; and, in his absence, these men governed the country absolutely, as lords justices. Contending among themselves for influence and patronage, they agreed in maintaining the domination of a narrow oligarchy and the settled policy of Protestant ascendency. As if to 1 Plowden's Hist., i. 364, 378. 2 Ibid., 374; Irish Debates, i. 139; Grattan's Life, i. 97. 8 Hardy's Life of Lord Charlemont, i. 88. 4 Plowden's Hist., i. 370; Adolphus' Hist., 159-161; Grattan's Life, mark the principles of such a rule, the primate bore the foremost place in the administration of affairs.1 Monopoly of power and office. The proscription of Catholics at once insured the power and ministered to the cupidity of the ruling party. Every judge, every magistrate, every officer,civil, military and corporate, - was a churchman. No Catholic could practise the law, or serve upon a jury. The administration of justice, as well as political power, was monopolized by Protestants. A small junto distributed among their select band of followers all the honors and patronage of the state. Every road to ambition was closed against Catholics, -the bar, the bench, the army, the senate, and the magistracy. And Protestant nonconformists, scarcely inferior in numbers to churchmen, fared little better than Catholics. They were, indeed, admitted to a place in the legislature, but they were excluded, by a test Act, from every civil office, from the army, and from corporations; and, even where the law failed to disqualify them, they might look in vain for promotion to a clique who discerned merit in none but churchmen. Such were the rights and liberties of the Irish people; and such the character and policy of their rulers. Subordina land to the erument. And while the internal polity of Ireland was exclusive, illiberal, and corrupt; the country, in its relations tion of Ire- to England, still bore the marks of a conquered English gov province. The Parliament was not a free legislature, with ample jurisdiction in making laws and voting taxes. By one of " Poyning's Acts," in the reign of Henry VII., the Irish Parliament was not summoned until the Acts it was called upon to pass had already been approved and certified, under the great seal, in England. Such Acts it might discuss and reject, but could not amend. This restric 66 1 On the accession of Geo. III., the lords justices were the primate, Dr. Stone, Lord Shannon, a former speaker, and Mr. Ponsonby, then holding the office of speaker. 2 Plowden's Hist., i. 271. |