But, indeed, a ballot is no more than this. Every member present at a given time, puts a ballot into a box, or something with a list of any 21 members' names that he may choose to write on a ballot. When the Speaker takes out the ballots, he counts the number of times that he finds the several names written. These 21 members whose names are written the greatest number of times are the Committee. From this it follows, of course, that the majority of the House select the Committee. The name of ballot does, doubtless, lead some persons to suppose, that the names of all the members are put into a box, and that, as in the case of a common jury, the first 21 names drawn out are the names of the Committee; but, after what has been said above, no one will be deceived upen this subject again.

The ministry did not, during the debate, develop their intended schemes. But, on the contrary, appeared extremely anxious to avoid making any explicit statement upon the subject. Mr. Whitbread, however, took occasion to anticipate any attempt upon the constitutional laws, as did also Sir Francis Burdett, and the former warned the ministers (by bidding them look at the example of other countries) of the consequences of resorting to measures unwarranted by the usual laws of the country. Mr. Wilberforce said something, and, as it was curious, we will have it upon record.

"He entirely participated in the hope that nothing would be found in the "documents laid upon the table to call for any extraordinary measures. He "would not allow himself even to express an opinion, lest it might give rise to "feelings that ought to be banished from all minds, that might produce dissent “instead of union, for the accomplishment of an object of the greatest magni"tude, not being at all acquainted with the nature of the papers supplied, and not "having been present on Saturday when the message was brought down, he "was, perhaps, of all men, the least competent to offer anything to the House, "but he could not avoid rising to express a wish, that the utmost calmness and "moderation might be observed in the deliberation. Nearly connected as he was "with a district of the country most disturbed, he felt it necessary to conjure the "House, that the case of these unfortunate and misguided people might be fully " and candidly weighed, that the result might be the restoration of order, una"nimity, prosperity, and happiness."

This is a very curious speech. To speak, and say less than is here said, I should think extremely difficult. We will, reader, if you please, show our respect towards this honourable member by keeping a steady eye upon him all through this affair. I remember his conduct at the times when former measures of the kind now in contemplation were proposed. I remember him at the time of the Bunk stoppage, and upon various other trying occasions.

While these things were going on in Parliament, the venal press was not idle; especially the newspapers called the Times and the Courier. These prints began, at once, to pave the way for what was intended to follow; they began to feel the pulse of the people. The Message was carried down, as we have seen, on Saturday, and, on Monday morning, the former of these prints began to announce, that it wished to see the rioters "put out of the protection of the law;" alleging, as a reason, that they were become assassins and incendiaries. But, even assassins and incendiaries have hitherto had the law applied to their case. I do not know why the word assassin is now so much in use. It seems that there are people who think it more horrible in its sound than the word murderer. Be this as it may, however, we have laws for the punishment of persons guilty of murder and arson. If this is all, we want no new

laws. "" When," says the vile Times, "they became assassins and in"cendiaries, they put themselves out of the protection of the LAW, and "JUSTICE must be done upon them." This is an excellent phrase! The law is to be laid aside, and justice is to be done! Very good, indeed! But, this is the sort of trash that delights the readers of this corrupt vehicle. In his paper of the 30th of June, this writer calls the people in the disturbed counties "abandoned revolutionary miscreants.” In short, he says every thing which malice and cruelty can suggest to him in order to prepare beforehand for a justification of any measures of severity that may be adopted. The Courier, the faithful fellow-labourer of the former print, sets about its work in a more elaborate manner. It begins, on Monday, the 29th of June, with accounts of acts of violence committed in Yorkshire, Staffordshire, and Nottinghan-shire. And, having inserted those accounts, the hireling next sets about his work, the recommending of a suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act, and the putting the country under martial law. These things he talks of as coolly as Lord Liverpool, some years back, talked of a march to Paris.

Reader, does not this last sentence bring you back to the outset of the French Revolution, when this nation went to war to keep down republicans and levellers ? Really the contest has brought us to something at last! How far farther it will take us I do not know.

To return now to the accounts from the troubled counties, I think it necessary to insert them here; because, it will, hereafter, be very useful to be able to recur to these dawnings of a state of things, the like of which, this country has not seen for a great while, and which will, if I mistake not, make a very considerable figure in history.

The Courier begins with Nottingham, a place at the very name of which every hireling's knees knock together. To be sure, he has nothing here to speak of but a squabble at the playhouse; but, of that he makes the most. I beg the reader to pay attention to the story.

“Nottingham, 26th June.—The theatre at this place has been abruptly closed "by command of the Town Magistrates, in consequence of the tumultuous pro"ceedings that have taken place on several successive evenings, occasioned by a request made to the Orchestra to play the NATIONAL air of God save the "King. On the tune being called for, it has generally been accompanied with a cry of 'Hats of,' which has produced the most violent opposition on the part "of those who are any thing but loyal. Instead of complying with the request, the Oppositionists answer it with a cry of Millions be free and rising with "their hats on, place themselves in the most menacing attitude of defiance. "This act of INDECENCY has frequently led to blows, and individuals in the "boxes have been obliged to seek their personal safety by leaping into the pit, "while those in the pit have placed themselves in array against the boxes, and a general contest or tumult has been the result. In several instances tickets "have been distributed, gratis, to the amount of several pounds, with a view to beat "down the loyal party by main force, in consequence of which several OFFICERS "have been insulted, and mal-treated, particularly on Wednesday evening last, "when a number of those desperadoes surrounded Brigade-Major HUMPHREYS, "on coming out of the Theatre, hooted him along the streets to his quarters, "and threw a bottle in his face which cut him severely. Brigade-Major Huм"PHREYS is a most gentlemanly character, who had never taken any part what. "ever in the disturbances, but that he was a military officer was quite sufficient. "On another occasion, a party way-laid an officer of the 2d Somerset Militia "who had been forward in displaying his zeal and loyalty to his King at the Theatre, in the Park, late in the evening, and beat him in a most inhuman man"ner. Several have been compelled to enter into recognizances for their good "behaviour, and two or three are bound over to appear at the Quarter Sessions, "for the assault committed on the officer in the Park. This evening was fixed

"for the benefit of Mr. Robertson, one of our highly respected Managers, who "calculated upon a net receipt of at least 1007.; but by the abrupt closing of "the Theatre, his benefit is necessarily postponed until after the Races, which "it is supposed will be a great loss to him."

Now, reader, if you examine this matter, you will find, that, even upon their own showing, the God-save-the-King party have been the aggres

sors.

What right, I should like to know, has one part of an audience at a public theatre to compel the other part, however small that other part may be, to stand up, or to pull off their hats, upon the playing of a tune or the singing of a song called for by the former? And, if this right exists in no case, it surely cannot exist when, as appears to have been the case here, the party, taking upon them to give the command is the least numerous. Well might the theatre be shut up, if the manager would suffer the few amongst his audience to hector over the many.

This writer calls the tune of God save the King "the NATIONAL air." But, he has not cited to us any law by which we are compelled to rise and pull off our hats at the playing of it. He may like it, and so may the Officers at Nottingham, though the language is a rare specimen of stupid verbosity and tautology; though some of the sentiments, as far as they can be called sentiments, are at once malignant, abject, and impious; and though the whole, when considered with reference to the unfortunate personage whose name is the chief burthen of the song, amounts to a species of burlesque the most disgusting that can be conceived, still it may accord with the taste of the military officers quartered at Nottingham, and they may, if they choose, consider the air as national and have it played accordingly at their mess-rooms. But, if we leave them to their taste, we shall not agree to subject the people of Nottingham thereto; we shall not agree that they have a right to cram their sentiments down the throats of the people of that town, or any other town or county.

Observe, reader, that it is not the people who begin the quarrel. The others call for the tune; it is played; no interruption is given by the people. But, this is not enough. The people must not only sit and hear that which they disapprove of; but, they must, at the word of command, pull off their hats, as a mark of approbation of that which they are known to disapprove of, and that, too, at the order of a comparatively small part of the audience. Can subservience; can slavery, go lower than this? And, if the people of Nottingham were compelled to submit to this, what impudence would it be in them to affect to revile any other people as slaves!

To this last stage of servility the people of Nottingham were not, it seems, disposed to submit; but, in answer to the word of command, they rose and exclaimed, ... MILLIONS BE FREE;' placing themselves, at the same time, in a most menacing attitude of DEFIANCE." Of defiance, mind. Not of aggression. And, what could be more proper? Yet this hireling calls it an "act of indecency!" Slave, dost thou, then, think it an act of indecency in Englishmen to answer an arbitrary and insolent command by an exclamation expressive of their love of freedom? Dost thou then, slave as thou art, think this an act of indecency; and hast thou the impudence to give utterance and publicity to thy thought?

If the people of Nottingham were to submit to this command to pull their hats off in the play-house, why not in the street? And, if to pull

off their hats, why not to go down upon their knees, or to turn out their pockets? Loss of property and loss of liberty are never far asunder.

As to the assaults, committed on the bodies of the two military officers, if they were unprovoked, the parties ought to be punished; but, it will be observed, that we here have but one side of the story, and that every story has two sides. The story comes, too, from a man (if one ought to call him such), who looks upon it as an act of indecency for Englishmen, when arbitrarily and insolently commanded to pull off their hats, refuse to comply, and exclaim that they are free. This being the sort of persons from whom the story comes, we ought to distrust, and, indeed, to disbelieve every word of it that makes against the people of Nottingham.

One of these officers had, we are told," been forward in displaying his zeal and loyality to his King at the theatre." That is to say, he had been (according to this writer's previous account) forward in commanding the men of Nottingham to pull off their hats. The gentleman, who. ever he is (and he is not named), might have found a better way than this of displaying his zeal and loyalty. There is very little loyalty in the bawling out of a stupid song; but that would have been a good in endeavouring to conciliate the people, amongst whom he was quartered.

In short, it is clear, that these rows at the theatre at Nottingham have been provoked by the unbearable insolence of a few of those persons, who assume to themselves the exclusive merit of loyalty. Nothing can be clearer than this, even from the statement of this hireling himself; and, therefore, it appears to me, that the conduct of the manager of the theatre has been unjustifiable. It was for him to express his disapprobation of the conduct of those, who were taking upon them to give commands to the audience, and turn a place of recreation, where every man had equal rights, into a scene of political triumph of the few over the thoughts and wishes of the many; and, in not having expressed this disapprobation, he appears to me to have tacitly taken part with insolent commanders. I am not, therefore, at all sorry for his loss; and, I hope, that, unless he makes atonement by restoring freedom to his theatre, he will be left to exhibit his scenes to his exclusively "loyal" customers and to them only.

So much for the accounts from Nottingham. Let us now hear those from other places. I shall insert them one after another without any interruption.

"HUDDERSFIELD (Yorkshire), June 25.-Last Monday, about midnight, a "great number of armed men, with their faces disfigured by broad black marks "down each cheek and over the forehead, assembled near the dwelling-house of "Mr. Fisher, a shopkeeper of Briestwistle, in this neighbourhood, and after firing "two guns or pistols, demanded admittance into Mr. Fisher's house, which he "refused. They then broke open the door, and two of them rushing into the "house, seized Mr. Fisher, who had just got out of bed; they each presented a "pistol to his breast, and threatened him with instant death if he stirred a foot. "Not intimidated by this threat, Mr. Fisher rushed from them towards the door, "when he was seized by other six men, who placing a sheet over his head, face, "and arms, kept him in that situation while their comrades ransacked the house, "and took from his pocket-book bills to the amount of 1167. besides 204. in notes "and some cash; they also took a quantity of notes and cash out of a drawer, "but to what amount Mr. Fisher does not exactly know. When the depredation was completed, the leader cried out to the guard placed over Mr. Fisher, Let "him go; don't hurt him; we have got what we wanted, and we will bring it "back in three months,' and immediately made off."

"SHEFFIELD (Yorkshire), June 27.-We are sorry to learn, from the resolu "tions of the meeting of Lieutenancy and Magistrates, that the nightly depreda“tions, and other most violent breaches of the peace, in a great part of the ma"nufacturing districts of this Riding, still continue. The most effective measures "are immediately to be taken to stop the career of the lawless offenders."

"STAFFORD (Staffordshire), June 27.-In the beginning of the last week, a strong "body of those deluded men, calling themselves Luddites, surrounded the house "of a lady, the widow of an officer, residing in Edgeley, near Stockport, and, "with horrid threats, demanded entrance, to search for arms. The inhabitants, "under an impression of dreadful coasequences resulting from a refusal, opened "the door, when a number of armed men rushed into the house, and after mi"nutely searching all parts took away with them eight swords, leaving the "affrighted inmates in a state of extreme consternation. The party consisted "of from eighty to one hundred, variously armed, and they paid the strictest "obedience to the commands of one who acted as the leader, and who was of a "respectable appearance. We wish we could, with that degree of justice we owe "to the public's information, here close this article; but we are sorry to say, the "lapse of each day discloses some new object of alarm-some new act calculated "to impress upon us the most alarming sensations and apprehensions for the "general peace and safety of the country. It has been told us, that assemblies "nightly take place in secluded places, to the number of some hundreds, that "the oath continues to be administered, and that the names of those who are "parties to the abominable and seditious compact, are called over at the several "places of rendezvous with all the regularity and appearance of system and "discipline."

The acts here spoken of, if really committed, are such as call for the exertion of the lawful authorities to put a stop to them. They are unlawful, and that is enough; but, then, have we not laws? Have we not Justices and other magistrates; have we not Constables and other peace officers; have we not Sheriffs, who have power to call out all the people in their several counties to their assistance?

To lament the existence of such disturbances is unavoidable; but, I cannot help thinking, that, if I were a Lord Lieutenant, or even a Sheriff, I would render, as far as my county went, an application for military force unnecessary.

:

I cannot help observing here, that a great deal of mischief has, in all probability, been done by those who have the impudence to assume to themselves exclusively the appellation of" loyal men." These men, who, for the most part, live, in one way or another, upon the taxes, have, in the indulgence of their senseless rage against the Emperor Napoleon, been, in fact, openly inculcating the right, and even the duty, of a people to rise in arms against their government. I have in my eye two remarkable instances of this one in the COURIER, who applauded the conduct (or reported conduct) of the people in Holland in flying to arms, and even in pulling the Dutch Judges from the Bench and dragging them along the streets. The other instance was in the TIMES newspaper, which said, not long ago, that it hoped to have to record accounts of insurrections in France. I, as the public will do me the justice to remember, remonstrated with these good hirelings at the time. I told that there was. danger in the promulgating of sentiments of this sort; because, though they themselves were, doubtless, able to discriminate between an insurrection in England and an insurrection in France, some of their readers. might not. I, therefore, advised them to let France alone in this respect, stating my opinion, that they would have to repent having meddled with her.

As to the remedy for the disturbances, the way to ascertain that, is, first to ascertain the cause; but, of that I must speak in my remarks upon