outraged public feeling, that it is impossible for the people ever to likę them again.

I do not confound them; I do not lump them altogether; and, I was in hopes of seeing the Prince so situated as to be able to divide them, and to form a ministry of those, from whom the people would have expected something; but, if we were to have merely the late ministry revived, we are full as well as we are, and he is much better than he would have been. The Morning Chronicle tells us, that the Opposition will not feel themselves under any restraint in attacking the ministers. O dear, no! no restraint at all, except that of the system; except that they will not dare to attack Lord Grenville's late colleague and relation; except that they must carefully guard their tongues against any reflection, even the most distant, on any measure of “the great statesman now no more."

This restraint they will be still under, and that is all the ministers want. Only let them keep their muffles on, and the ministry will beat them I warrant it.

If the war in Portugal should end in a fatal way, we should hear of inquiries again; and, indeed, we are told, that it was in order to let this war end in the hands of the ministers, that they were suffered to remain in place. But, what of that? Have we not had a Corunna Affair, and a Cintra Affair, and a Walcheren Affair? And what did the motions about them produce? What was the result? Why, an expense of printing Parliamentary Papers to the amount of many thousands of pounds in addition to the enormous expenses of the Expeditions.

The discussions about Corunna and Walcheren were excessively unfortunate. Each of them was thwarted by a question in which the people were interested the first, by the question relative to the Duke of York, and the latter by the question relating to Sir Francis Burdett. Away went the regular fights. Not a word more could you get any one to say about them. Mr. TIERNEY, I remember, complained, that there were certain persons, who kept away, and took no part at all in the "great questions relative to the conducting of the war; but who were all "alive upon motions like that of Mr. MADOX."

Aye, this was because the people had an interest in the latter; because these questions affected them; and, because, as to the war, the manner of its being carried on was nothing compared to the principle of it, of which the Regular Opposition approved.

This is the state of parties, then. The true bred Pittites are in power; they, therefore, are the most powerful set. The Opposition, which originally consisted of Foxites, have been subdued by Lord Grenville and the Court, and are thus disarmed as to every question favouring the interests or feelings of the people. So that, these two parties, as far as they act in corps, must be considered as having the SAME PRINCIPLES to all intents and purposes. Some men imagine the OUTS wiser than the INS. It is not want of talent that occasioned those measures here which have put Napoleon in possession of all the continent of Europe. It is not want of talent; and, if it were, I do not see so much difference amongst the leaders as some men would fain make us believe there is. There is, in fact, no difference at all in the two parties. They are precisely the same in principle, in every thing regarding the Rights and Liberties of the people, which has been proved by their votes and their speeches and their measures, over and over again and in all manner of ways.

As long, therefore, as the Foxites, or any persons in Opposition, con

tinue to cling to Lord Grenville and the name of "the great statesman now no more," the people would be rank fools to wish to see them supplant the present men, it being as clear as day-light, that such a change could be productive of nothing more than an addition to the pension list, which is quite long enough already to satisfy any reasonable man.

There are some politicians, who wish for a Reform of Parliament. These belong to neither of the other parties. If they were to increase, from them the people would expect something; and, from them the ministry would have something to fear, because they are not restrained by the system; they drive at the whole system, "great man now no more" and altogether; they do not fight in muffles. This party, however little numerous, is formidable; and, if it increase, though but little, it will become an object of terror. Whether its increase will be speedy, whether it will be slow, when its power will be felt, I shall not pretend to say; but, that its power will, sooner or later, be felt, and will prevail, I am confident, and I am also confident, that its prevailing is absolutely necessary to the safety of the nation.

I began the discussion and I have closed it. In the course of it I have brought into view every material fact and argument, the production of others or of my own mind. I have given a proper place to every actor of any consequence; and, as far as my knowledge has enabled me, I have done strict justice to the actions and motives of every one. If I have, in any case, yielded to feelings of partiality, it has been in favour of the Prince of Wales, and the reason was, that, of all the parties concerned, he was the man whom I saw with the fewest real friends amongst those who were taking a part in the discussions; and further, because, some years attentive and pretty close observation as to politics and public men, long ago convinced me, that there was a settled design with some men to calumniate him by the means of canting insinuation, and thus to excite against him a prejudice that should stick to him through life.

The COURIER, a few days ago, in remarking upon one of my articles on the Regency, observed, that it was well calculated to serve the Prince with the Mob (no bad service neither, as things may happen!), and that, it was to be regarded as having somewhat of authority about it, seeing that the writer was intimately acquainted with one of the Royal Dukes. How ready these venal men are to ascribe motives of venality to others! I have spoken to the Duke of KENT four times in my life, and no more, I have not seen even at a distance him or either of his brothers for these last five years, and have never had any communication, directly or indirectly, with any one of them of any sort, since that time; and I never received or asked from any one of the Royal Family any favour, of any kind, in all my life.

In the part I have taken upon this occasion, I have been actuated solely by a love of truth and of my country, and by a corresponding hatred of hypocrisy and of the worst enemies of that country, faction and corruption. WM. COBBETT,

State Prison, Newgate, Tuesday,

February 12, 1811.

DISSENTERS.

(Political Register, May, 1811.)

At the end of this article, I insert the Resolutions recently passed at a Meeting of the PROTESTANT DISSENTERS, relative to the BILL, which is now before the House of Lords, and which has been brought in by LORD VISCOUNT SIDMOUTH, late Mr. Henry Addington, sometime prime minister of this country.

Thinking people as we are, I am disposed to believe, that the subject now before us is not very well understood; and, as I see, that the COURIER and other venal prints are complaining, that the well-meaning Dissenters are deceived respecting the object and the natural effects of the Bill, if it should pass into a law, I will endeavour, with my Lord Sidmouth's leave, to make the thing clearly understood.

The enactments of this Bill are stated to be as follow. I have not seen any copy of the Bill itself; but, I take it for granted, that they are correctly stated in the published Resolutions of so respectable a body as the Meeting above-mentioned.

"I. That such Ministers, upon being admitted to the peaceable possession and "enjoyment of the peace of Ministers of a separate Congregation, may, on a cer. "tificate in writing, under the hands of several substantial and reputable House"holders belonging to such Congregation, signed in the presence of some creditable "witness, who is to make proof of their signatures upon oath at a General Ses"sions of the Peace, be permitted to take oaths and to sign the Declarations previously required, and shall then, and then only, during their continuance to "be Ministers of such separate Congregation, be entitled to all the privileges and "exemptions which the former acts had conferred.

"II. That any other person who may desire to qualify himself to preach as a "Dissenting Minister, must procure several substantial and reputable house. "holders, being Dissenters of the same Sect, and of the same Congregation, tọ "certify on their consciences, in writing, to his being a Protestant Dissenting "Minister of their Sect, and of the same Congregation, and to their individual "and long knowledge to his sobriety of conversation, and to his ability and fitness "to preach; and that such Certificate must be proved as before stated, before he "be permitted to take the oath and subscribe the declaration, before he be ex"empt from the pains, penalties, and punishments to which he would otherwise "be liable as a Dissenting Minister.

"III. That any person of sober life and conversation admitted to preach on "probation to any separate Congregation, must produce a Certificate from several "Dissenting Ministers, who have taken the oath (to be also proved on oath at a "General Sessions) of his life and conversation, and to their long previous know"ledge, before he can be admitted to take the Oaths and subscribe the Declara"tion, and that he may then, during a limited period, to be specified in the Certi"ficate, officiate as a probationer to any Dissenting Congregation, and be, during "a limited period, exempt from prosecution and punishment; but neither of the "two last-mentioned classes of persons will be entitled to any privileges, or to "the exemptions from offices conferred on Dissenting Ministers by the Toleration "Act."

Such is, it is said, to be the substance of the new Act; and, how it will affect the Dissenters, what an alteration it will make respecting them, we shall now see.

Previous to the first year of the reign of WILLIAM and MARY, the Dissenters were liable to divers severe penalties and punishments for doing

that which they now do by law; and their Ministers, or Teachers, were liable to be punished in a very severe manner. But, in the year just mentioned (1688) an Act was passed, which is generally called the TOLERATION ACT, and which is the 18th chap. of the first year of William and Mary.

This Act took away great part of the hardships, under which the Dissenters before laboured; but, it still left them subjected to a load of oaths and subscribings, and some of these they are still subjected to; so that, one would have wished for the abolition of these shackles, rather than the imposing of new ones.

There were also certain Exemptions provided for by the Toleration Act. That Act not only did away punishments but created exemptions. The proposed Act would create the grounds of punishments, and would take away exemptions.

By the Toleration Act any man, be he who he might, could become a Dissenting Minister, upon the conditions there prescribed; namely, taking of an oath of fidelity to the King, of abjuration of popery, and subscribing the Articles of the Church of England, with some exceptions. These conditions were hard; for, why should they subscribe any of the articles of the Church, of the Episcopal Church? However, such were the conditions, and the only conditions.

In the 19th year of the present king's reign (1779) an Act was passed (Chap. 44) to do away the obligation to subscribe the Articles of the Church of England; and to substitute in lieu thereof, simply a declaration of the person's being a Protestant Dissenter, of his being a Christian, and of his belief in the Old and New Testaments.

Thus, then, as to qualification for the Ministry, stands the law at this hour.

Before a man can preach or pray or teach, or, in any way officiate, as a Dissenting Minister, he must obtain a Certificate of his actually being a Dissenting Minister; and, this is the way in which he is to obtain it. He is to go to a General Sessions of the Peace, held for the County or Place, where he lives, and there he is to take the oaths of fidelity and abjuration, and is to make the declaration last-mentioned, and, when he has done this, the Justices present are to give him a Certificate of his having so done, and this constitutes him a Dissenting Minister, and authorizes him to officiate as such, in any part of the kingdom where he pleases. The Justices cannot refuse to admit him to take the oaths and to make the declaration; and, when he has so done, they cannot refuse · him his Certificate. The Act is positive and peremptory; and, indeed, if it had not been so, it would have been a most wicked Act; for it would have given to the Justices the power of selection, which they might have used for the worst of purposes. It would have been much worse than to pass no Act at all.

Such is the mode of qualification; and, when a man is once qualified in this way, he is by the Toleration Act, exempted from serving upon any Jury, and from being chosen, or appointed to bear, the office of Churchwarden, Overseer of the Poor, and all other Parochial offices, and all offices of the Hundred or Shire, such as Constable, and the like. And, the Act of the 19th year of the present reign carries the exemption to SERVICE IN THE MILITIA, which is a very important thing, indeed, especially since the passing of Lord Castlereagh's LOCAL MILITIA Act, which makes every man in England, between the ages of 18 and 30 (I

believe it is) liable to the operation of that military discipline, having written about which some people have such excellent reason to remember to the latest hour of their lives.

The reader will stop here a little and fix his eye well upon this. This is the main point to keep in view, as he will see sufficient proof of byand-by.

We must now look back at the provisions of the proposed Act of Lord Sidmouth, which we shall not, I think, want much said to convince us, strikes at the very root of the two Acts of Toleration; for, if this Act pass, the obstacles to the Ministry will be so great, that very few men will have either the ability, or the inclination to surmount them.

The FIRST provision in the intended law, relates to persons, who have actually become Ministers of separate Congregations; and, it is proposed to enact, that, any man being settled in this capacity, may go and take the oaths and sign the declaration before-mentioned, and that he shall then, and as long as he continue to be Minister of that specific Congregation, be exempted from burdensome offices, and from the militia; but, that, if he ceases to officiate as minister to that particular congregation, he then becomes again liable to the service in offices, and to MILITARY DISCIPLINE, which is a much more serious thing.

If the Act were now passed, any Dissenting Minister, not 45 years of age, not having a fixed Congregation, might be ballotted into the old Militia; and, if between the ages of 18 and 30, he might be drafted into Lord Castlereagh's Locals! And, if he has not money to pay the fine in the latter case (where no clubs will avail him), he must go and serve, and, of course, leave his congregation.

This was not so before. When a man had once become a Minister, he always remained so. He still enjoyed the exemptions attached to the character, though he might, from some cause or other, cease to officiate, just as our Church Ministers, who, whether they have livings or curacies, or not, are still exempted from the Militia and from burdensome office: other offices, some of them have no objection to. But, if this bill become a law, there will be no security for the Dissenting Minister, who may be preaching one day, and fighting the

next.

There are many causes, whence a Dissenting Minister may cease to officiate. Illness may throw him out of his ministry, and cause his place to be supplied by another; and, when recovered from his illness, it may be impossible for him to recover his former situation, though he may be a very worthy man; but this circumstance at once subjects him to the Militia, and, as I observed before, if he be under 30 years of age, and has not money to pay the fine, he may be under the study of military discipline, in the Local Militia, the next day after his recovery.

Well, but, having lost his congregation, "he may get another." Yes, if he can; but, how is he to get it if he be ballotted for the militia in the meanwhile, or compelled to become Overseer of the Poor, or Constable? How, in that case, is he to get another congregation? He is almost necessarily disabled from getting another by the consequences naturally flowing from his loss of the one he now has; and this, of course, must have a tendency to degrade these Ministers in general; because men of character and of education will not like to place themselves in such a precarious situation, while it would inevitably happen in frequent instances, that a man seen in the pulpit to-day, would be seen