with which France and her Emperor must of the Cottian Alps tell another tale, and infind themselves at once morally responsible form us, to her prejudice, in which direction for all the offences of the Papal Government, have chiefly lain the apprehensions of Sarand utterly powerless to correct its conduct. It is in vain to say, in apology for the act which has drawn down on France this pungent retribution, that Austria would have occupied the Roman States if she had not done it. Austria would never have ventured on such a proceeding, in the face of a protest from England and from France: nor can we doubt, from the known sentiments of Lord Palmerston, that he would have been forward to concur with France in such a protest. It would seem that he felt that his inaction required apology, when he devised the ingenious excuse that England, as a Protestant Power, ought not to interfere in any matter with respect to the temporal sovereignty of the Pope. This plea was indeed in flagrant contradiction with the course which he had himself pursued in 1831 as Foreign Minister of the Cabinet of Earl Grey: for he both joined at that epoch on the part of England with the other great Powers in urging upon Gregory XVI. the necessity of organic improvements; and, when they tamely acquiesced in the Pope's refusal, he, with equal manliness and sagacity, repeated, through Sir Hamilton Seymour, his warning admonitions. Nothing then, as we are justified in inferring, but prudence, prevented a more emphatic disapproval of the French invasion of Rome in 1849 than was conveyed by his silence. Thus it was France who not only herself placed Rome under the yoke, but who neutralized the friendly strength of England, and set the fatal example which Austria on her side of the Apennines had no more to do than silently but exultingly to follow. Thus, then, it appears that France has not a rag of title to make war upon Austria in the name of Italy. She is nowhere damaged except in Rome, and there it is by her own criminal act. She is not menaced in her independence, her institutions, or even her influ dinia. We know not whether all this has been implicitly or explicitly recognized by the English people, or whether its recent leaning to the Austrian side as against France has been rather due to more sweeping or more general views; to a deep solicitude for the continuance of peace, and to a persuasion that the Emperor of the French is guiltily determined upon war with or without cause, while the attitude of Austria is, as they have understood, strictly a defensive attitude. But be that as it may, whether we regard the case upon general grounds, or whether we pursue it into minute particulars and special pleading, we seek in vain for any considerations of public right which render it in any manner just or tolerable for France to interfere with the strong hand in the settlement of Italian affairs. But we have now to open a very different chapter. The recent controversies have done much to increase our knowledge on the true state of the question, not as between Austria and France, but as between Austria and Italy; or, if not to increase our knowledge, to render our ignorance voluntary and inexcusable. The one idea at a time, which, as we have stated, the Englishman admits into his mind, was, a few months or even weeks ago, simply this: that France was about to become, in the words which Lord John Russell applied to the late Emperor of Russia, "the wanton disturber of the peace of Europe." This idea effectually shut out all consideration of the question whether the hands of Austria were clean and her conscience pure in respect to her Italian policy, and whether and in what degree the dangers and sufferings of that country lie at her door. For us, a few weeks ago, there was no Italian question; it was a phrase blazoned on a French banner, and it was nothing more. Sardinia was mentioned only to be condemned. We saw her in an attitude of apparent, perhaps of evident, subserviency to France; and that was enough to bar all inquiry as to the causes which had brought about a result so unfortunate. No more discriminating construction was put upon the facts, than that she could only be prompted by the spirit of territorial piracy. The remembrance of her unwise and unwarrantable invasion of Lom evidence which her antagonists have produced both as to her present attitude and as to the general train of her policy since the epoch of 1815. bardy in 1848 rose up in British recollection; | short review of the case of Austria as it is and it was presumed that she thought the stated by herself, and as it is affected by the time had come for playing the same game again, with new support at her back, and with greater chances of success. It was so palpable, on the one hand, that the true interests of Austria required her to act most rigidly in the defensive sense, as almost to compel our summary belief of her assurances that she had never entertained the idea of acting in any other. It was at least conceivable, on the other hand, that the error which Sardinia had once committed might be committed by her again. Jealous of the doctrine of mere nationality, as it stands apart from considerations of practical hardship, we knew that this doctrine was the favorite symbol of Italian desires, and the impression widely pre-"the modern theories of public right which vailed that from this source only were drawn the chief materials of the case of Italy against Austria. It is not difficult to sum up the doctrines propounded by Count Buol. Great political bodies must always have an influence on ⚫ neighboring States, but yet ought not to impair their independence. Austria takes credit for having, "more than once," as it is stated with a bewitching modesty, re-established by force "the Italian governments overthrown by revolution." Among the recipients of these benefits has been the government of Savoy: but then it was before the date of Count Cavour has introduced." The treaties between Austria and the "independent States" of Italy are exclusively in the interWithin the last few weeks, however, there ests of " legitimate defence ;" and no one has has certainly been a change in the tone of a right to say a word about them. That use English opinion and in the language of some which was fairly to be expected is made by mong its prominent though more epheme- the Austrian diplomatists of the war of 1848, al organs. Probably it may have dated from to damage the present case of Sardinia in the appearance of that dispatch, which Count connection with "the pretended sorrows" of Buol on the 25th of February addressed to Italy. It is then admitted, or rather boasted, the Austrian Minister in London. It was by Count Buol, that on account of the articles published early in March, we presume by the of Piedmontese newspapers (which are not agency and in the interest of Austria. Con- under the control of the Government), Austaining a statement from her own mouth of tria took the measure which is but one step her own policy, and this, too, uttered when the short of hostilities, and broke off but a short sword's point was presented to her breast, we time ago her diplomatic relations with Sarcould not but presume that it propounded dinia. It is also true, we believe, that SarAustrian doctrine in the most diluted and dinia did not send an envoy to congratulate conciliatory form. Yet it was calculated to the Emperor Francis Joseph when he visited produce far worse impressions than any at- Milan; but this is not mentioned by Count tack from a hostile quarter, and painfully to Buol, and we presume therefore is not thought illustrate the melancholy truths that a blind to afford a tenable ground of complaint. We Conservatism may come to be the most dan-stop at this moment to express our devout gerous Radicalism, and that the closets and thankfulness that England is both more cabinets of despotic sovereigns are too often the main factories of Revolution. powerful and more remote than Piedmont: for if the same measure which has been measThe dispatch was followed by the appear- ured to Piedmont were meted out to us, if ance of the second of the letters from Signor the free, or even the licentious articles of Farini to Lord John Russell that are men- newspapers afford a just ground for the ruptioned at the head of this paper, by a mas-ture of diplomatic relations, undoubtedly at terly reply from Count Cavour, and by the more recent publication of the note of that statesman dated the 1st of March, in which, at the request of the British Minister, he sets forth what he thinks the essential and immediate requisites for the peace of Italy. With these papers before us, we shall attempt a few periods since the peace of 1815 would an Austrian Minister have graced the society of London. But Count Buol does not shrink from discussing the "pretended sorrows" of Italy. He generously admits that not every thing is perfect in the institutions and administra to Vienna, and it is well known that he made use of his influence at that Court, higher than that of any other British subject, in order to induce Prince Schwartzenberg to mitigate, by friendly advice to the Court of Naples, the horrible state of things which had been disclosed. Prince Schwartzenberg did not stir; and the author of the Letters, after some months' delay, made his appeal through the press to public opinion. It is, we believe, the fact, that the Austrian Government did not so much as inform the King of Naples that the charges had been made; nor give him an option of turning to account information, much of which, though referring to his own servants, was probably new to him. tions of the Italian Governments, while he denies "the thousand calumnies" against them. This is somewhat vague; but, if there be a doubt as to the animus of the passage, the doubt disappears when he comes to particulars. For he points out but one source of imperfection, which is, that free institutions, being, as he says, unfit for Italy, have caused deplorable scenes of anarchy and disorder. This is the manner in which Austria, which rules in Italy by the bayonet alone, shows her respect for the independence of Sardinia, and for her institutions, which of themselves have harmonized loyalty, liberty, and order, in that very Peninsula which Count Buol so grievously calumniates. But Count Buol does not condemn free institutions universally. He says After observing the manner in which Count they will do very well indeed (he could not Buol treats the past, we shall feel little surprudently say less in writing for the eye of a prise at his views of the present. He proBritish Minister) where "they have been de- ceeds to avow that the Papal Government veloped and matured for centuries." What-positively stands in need of improvement. ever else may happen, Austria will never be He names, however, no other amendment pressed in argument with any inconvenient consequences drawn from this admission; since she lays it down as a condition sine qua non of free government, that it must have existed for centuries before it can produce any beneficial fruits, and, ceasing to be a public nuisance, can have any title to exist at all. While, however, the views of Austria are thus sagaciously guarded in matters theoretical, she has always, adds Count Buol, "frankly applauded every marked improvement in a practical point of view;" and, "when consulted, has given her opinion conscientiously, after a mature examination of the circumstances." than the regeneration of its army. But the great foe of reform in Italy, according to Count Buol, is Piedmont, whose aggressive designs and revolutionary tendencies make life almost intolerable. So that he distinctly states that only when Piedmont shall have al tered her system can any Italian State be expected to set seriously about any reform whatever. most trivial incident, a release from her pledge, and become, in despite of it, the first to draw the sword. Count Buol concludes with a promise for Austria that she will abstain from hostilities as long as Piedmont continues within her own borders. We have read with satisfaction, this assurance: a satisfaction only quali fied by the insinuation which accompanies it, Is this the fact? No proof, no instance is that Austria has grievances which she might given for the affirmative; and a negative is advance in justification of a resort to arms. proverbially hard to demonstrate. We should Under cover of these words she might asbe curious to know what have been the men-sume, as we fear, upon the occurrence of the sures on behalf of freedom or good government in Italy, which were due to the advice, or had received the approval of Austria. Sardinian institutions, as we have seen, she The maxims plainly and almost ostentaroundly denounces. One other instance hap- tiously exhibited in this dispatch are suffipens to be already before the world, which ciently formidable. We are plainly taught may serve as a measure of the zeal of Aus- that the legitimate use of a standing army is, tria for practical improvement in the adminis- as in the Papal States, to defend the Governtration of the Italian Governments. Some ment, not against foreign foes, but against the seven or eight years ago the State Prosecu-people-that free institutions are unfit for Italy, tions of the Neapolitan Government formed and have been the true source of its calamities the subject of two Letters, addressed by Mr.that the license of a free news-paper press Gladstone to the Earl of Aberdeen. These authorizes the rupture of diplomatic relations Letters were transmitted by Lord Aberdeen with the State that permits its existence-and that Austria deserves praise for being ever ready to uphold by force in the hour of need any Government which is menaced with resistance from its subjects. This is much; but there is more to tell: Count Buol has not stated the full extent of his claims on the gratitude of Europe, though he has stated enough to make us rejoice that the existence of British liberty does not, to the extent of a single feather's weight, depend upon his official discretion or upon the huge armies of his master. compels us to hold Austria responsible for all the defects and all the excesses that have so long subsisted in the Italian States, with so much of suffering to the people, and so much of danger and of scandal to the world. Something, however, remains to complete the exhibition of the system; and that something Farini has supplied. The reforms, or supposed reforms, of Pius IX. in 1847, immediately elicited mutterings and threats from Austria. Still we did not then know how completely it entered into the spirit of her Italian maxims, not only to sustain the Italian governments in their excesses, but even to intimidate and to punish them if they should exhibit symptoms of remorse, and a tendency to favor freedom or to recognize its constitutional guarantees. Signor Farini, who is well known to be in the confidence of Count Cavour, and to have access to the archives of Sardinia, speedily followed up the appearance of Count Buol's dispatch with the production of a tract, which illustrates the statements and supplies the omissions of Count Buol. But, before refer- Scarcely had the ink of the Treaty of Vienna ring to his citations, we will exhibit from the had time to dry, when Austria, re-established pamphlet of Salvagnoli * a reckoning of the in her old territory, and much more largely achievements of Austria in the way of the mili- gifted with new at the North of the Peninsula, tary occupation of what she satirically calls boldly laid her hand on the extreme South, "independent States." There is not a yard and bound the King of Naples, by a private of Italian soil, on which she has not trodden article in a Treaty, to administer his internal with her mailed heel. Since 1815 she has government upon her principles. Pretty well, been for two years in arms in Piedmont: for indeed, for respect to the independence of five years in Naples: for six years in Tuscany, States! Her after steps were conformable to six in Modena, and six in Parma: for twenty- the bright promise afforded by this beginning. five years in the Papal States. For more In 1816 Prince Metternich contended that, to than half of the forty-five years since Pius VII. was restored to his throne by European arms, has Austria had an army actually within the Territories of the Church, nor has there been a moment, unless, perhaps, the fevered and ruinous epoch of 1848, when they have not been overshadowed and overawed by her military ascendency. It is perfectly obvious to the commonest understanding that there can be no guarantee, and as a general rule no hope, of good government in a country where there is no penalty upon bad. In the strange case before us, a cluster of petty and secondary states have had at hand a powerful neighbor, who has set up, by her own avowal, a standing advertisement that whenever, no matter from what cause, the authority of their Governments may be menaced with popular resistance, she will come in with an armed force to put it down. This proclamation establishes an immunity alike formal, patent, and entire, for corruption and for tyranny: and it at once Della Indipendenza d'Italia, p. 47. THIRD SERIES. LIVING AGE. 297 make Austria secure in Lombardy, the Upper Novarese, or at the least the province of Domo d'Ossola, ought to be ceded to her by Sardinia.* And Lord Castlereagh told the Sardinian Minister at Vienna, that Sardinia might do well to enter into the Austrian Confederation, as the Emperor might thus be induced to waive his pretensions to the Upper Novarese and to the citadel of Alessandria.+ In January, 1821, Prince Metternich writes to the Duke of Modena, that if Austria had had twenty thousand men disposable on the Po in the preceding summer, they would have marched on Naples to put down the popular rising, and the world would have applauded the feat, as it applauds all feats. At Laybach the same Minister declared that means must be taken to avoid the danger that the Neapolitan Parliament might retrace its steps, and be satisfied with a constitution like that of France under the Restoration, which France herself had recommended. And now we come near the climax. Being asked by Count Capo * Farini, p. 7. † P. 8. d'Istria on this occasion whether Austria would | local, but of universal application. And on give her sanction to a system in Naples that August 12, 1830, Prince Metternich frankly should partake of the representative character, stated to the Count Pralormo, with reference he replied that she would prefer to go to war. to the then recent French Revolution, that if "But," rejoined Capo d'Istria, "what if the only Europe had at that time, as she had in King of Naples himself should desire to 1815, seven hundred thousand men on the establish such a system ?" "In that case," frontier of France, he for one would be for the Chancellor of Austria answered, "the Em- making a descent upon that country, and putperor would make war upon the King of ting an end to the Revolution once for all. Naples." In conformity with this outrage- In 1831 the new French Government gently ous declaration, on the 6th of March, 1822, remonstrated against a renewed occupation of Prince Metternich wrote to the Austrian Min- the Papal States; but Prince Metternich reister at Paris, that "the representative sys-plied "that the Emperor meant to interfere tem, with the institutions necessarily following even at the cost of a general war." When upon it, could not and should not (non può, | France occupied Ancona with an opposite non deve stabillrsi) be established in any purpose to that of Austria, the Emperor said single State of the Peninsula." The Count of "there must be a march on Paris to put an Pralormo, Sardinian Minister at Vienna, wrote end to the evils with which the world was as follows to his Court :†menaced." No march on Paris ensued; but then the French Government had to content themselves with the empty name of an occupation, and their expedition remained wholly without result. In 1847 and 1848 Austria menaced any Italian Government inclined to reform, and impeded the grant and encouraged or compelled the violation and withdrawal of constitutions. Finally, it was in 1849 that France by the Roman expedition identified herself with the excesses of Austrian policy, and with a view nominally to the extension of French influence in Italy, but really to the conciliation of a domestic party, incurred the scandal and embarrassment from which she is now making violent efforts to escape. "The Austrian Government is convinced that every idea of compromise is absurd, and that whatever Government divests itself of any part of its power, supplies the weapons that are to wrest from it the remainder. It is, therefore, as far from its ideas as from its plans that institutions should be founded in its neighbor States which may weaken the kingly authority, which on the contrary it desires to see reinforced and consolidated on an immovable basis." Nor was this all. The Emperor of Austria had himself asked the Count, what were the intentions of the King Charles Felix with respect to the Prince of Carignano (afterwards Charles Albert)? The Minister of Sardinia replied that his master still intended, according to the promise he had made at Verona, to make him subscribe a deed which should bind him to maintain the monarchy absolute as it then was, without any organic change. Prince Metternich said, on the same subject, that this was the only proper and effectual method of proceeding. When the Austrians withdrew from the military occupation of the Neapolitan States, the Emperor informed the King of his intention to hold him bound to the secret article of the Treaty of 1815: and on leaving the Papal States, where the occupation was unasked, in 1822, he announced his intention to return thither in case of need, quite irrespectively even of the wishes of the Government.§ It is plain that, though these theories are limited in their action by the adamantine laws of circumstance, they are in themselves not of *P. 11. † P. 13. Ibid. § P. 16. The letter of Farini proceeds in all the cases we have noticed upon textual citations; and it is well that this is so, for surely without evidence so stringent the statements would have appeared incredible. The pamphlet appeared several weeks ago, and we do not hear that its allegations have been rebutted in any one particular. After such a course of conduct, then, steadily pursued for nearly half a century, it is a sheer mockery for the Austrian Minister to assume the comparative meekness of a defensive attitude, to complain that Sardinia fails in due respect to the independence of the Italian States, to appeal to the faith of treaties, to pretend an anxiety for practical improvements, or to throw upon free institutions the guilt and shame of Italian disturbances. Before even an attempt had been made to introduce liberty into any part of the Peninsula, she had by her treaty of 1815 with *P. 17. |