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had been suspended near twenty years since the death of Constantius,^ was vigorously resumed, and finally accomplished, by the zeal of Theodosius. Whilst that warlike prince yet struggled with the Goths, not for the glory but for the safety of the republic, he ventured to offend a considerable party of his subjects, by some acts which might perhaps secure the protection of heaven, but which must seem rash and unseasonable in the eye of human prudence. The success of his first experiments against the pagans, encouraged the pious emperor to reiterate and enforce his edicts of proscription: the same laws which had been originally published in the provinces of the east, were applied, after the defeat of Maximus, to the whole extent of the western empire; and every victory of the orthodox Theodosius contributed to the triumph of the christian and catholic faith. He attacked superstition in her most vital part, by prohibiting the use of sacrifices, which he declared to be criminal as well as infamous; and if the terms of his edicts more strictly condemned the impious curiosity which examined the entrails of the victims, every subsequent explanation tended to involve, in the same guilt, the general practice of immolation, which essentially constituted the religion of the pagans. As the temples had been erected for the purpose of sacrifice, it was the duty of a bencvolent prince to remove from his subjects the dangerous temptation, of offending against the laws which he had enacted. A special commission was granted to Cynegius, the prætorian præfect of the east, and afterwards to the counts Jovius and Gaudentius, two officers of distinguished rank in the west; by which they were directed to shut the temples, to seize or destroy the instruments of idolatry, to abolish the privileges of the priests, and to confiscate the consecrated property for the benefit of the emperor, of the church, or of the army. Here the desolation might have stopped; and the naked edifices, which were no longer employed in the service of idolatry, might have been protected from the destructive rage of fanaticism. Many of those temples were the most splendid and beautiful monuments of Grecian architecture; and the emperor himself was interested not to deface the splendour of his own cities, or to diminish the value of his own possessions. Those stately edifices might be suffered to remain, as so many lasting trophies of the victory of Christ. In the decline of the arts, they might be usefully converted into magazines, manufactures, or places of public assembly; and perhaps, when

a Libanius (Orat. pro Templis, p. 10. Genev. 1634. published by James Godefroy, and now extremely scarce) accuses Valentinian and Valens of prohibiting sacrifices. Some partial order may have beer. issued by the eastern emperor; but the idea of any general law is con tradicted by the silence of the code, and the evidence of ecclesiastical history.

b See his laws in the Theodosian code, 1. xvi. tit. x. leg. 7-11. e Homer's sacrifices are not accompanied with any inquisition of en. trails, (see Feithius, Antiquitat. Homer. 1. i. c. 10. 16.) The Tuscans, who produced the first Haruspices, subdued both the Greeks and the Romans. (Cicero de Divinatione, ii. 23.)

d Zosimus, . iv. p. 245, 249. Theodoret, 1. v. c. 21. Idatius in Chron. Prosper. Aquitan. I. iii. c. 38. apud Baronium, Annal. Eccles. A. D. 389. No. 52. Libanius (pro Templis, p. 10.) labours to prove, that the commands of Theodosius were not direct and positive.

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the walls of the temple had been sufficiently purified | by holy rites, the worship of the true Deity might be allowed to expiate the ancient guilt of idolatry. But as long as they subsisted, the pagans fondly cherished the secret hope, that an auspicious revolution, a second Julian, might again restore the altars of the gods; and the earnestness with which they addressed their unavailing prayers to the throne, increased the zeal of the christian reformers to extirpate, without mercy, the root of superstition. The laws of the emperors exhibit some symptoms of a milder disposition; but their cold and languid efforts were insufficient to stem the torrent of enthusiasm and rapine, which was conducted, or rather impelled, by the spiritual rulers of the church. In Gaul, the holy Martin, bishop of Tours, marched at the head of his faithful monks to destroy the idols, the temples, and the consecrated trees of his extensive diocese ; and, in the execution of this arduous task, the prudent reader will judge whether Martin was supported by the aid of miraculous powers, or of carnal weapons. In Syria, the divine and excellent Marcellus," as he is styled by Theodoret, a bishop animated with apostolic fervour, resolved to level with the ground the stately temples within the diocese of Apamea. His attack was resisted, by the skill and solidity with which the temple of Jupiter had been constructed. The building was seated on an eminence: on each of the four sides, the lofty roof was supported by fifteen massy columns, sixteen feet in circumference; and the large stones, of which they were composed, were firmly cemented with lead and iron. The force of the strongest and sharpest tools had been tried without effect. It was found necessary to undermine the foundations of the columns, which fell down as soon as the temporary wooden props had been consumed with fire; and the difficulties of the enterprise are described under the allegory of a black dæmon, who retarded, though he could not defeat, the operations of the christian engineers. Elated with victory, Marcellus took the field in person against the powers of darkness; a numerous troop of soldiers and gladiators marched under the episcopal banner, and he successively attacked the villages and country temples of the diocese of Apamea. Whenever any resistance or danger was apprehended, the champion of the faith, whose lameness would not allow him either to fight or fly, placed himself at a convenient distance, beyond the reach of darts. But this prudence was the occasion of his death: he was surprised and

e Cod. Theodos, 1. xvi. tit. x. leg. 8. 18. There is room to believe, that this temple of Edessa, which Theodosius wished to save for civil uses, was soon afterwards a heap of ruins. (Libanius pro Templis, p. 26, 27. and Godefroy's notes, p. 59.)

f See this curious oration of Libanius pro Templis, pronounced, or rather composed, about the year 390. I have consulted, with advantage, Dr. Lardner's version and remarks. (Heathen Testimonies, vol. iv. p. 135-163.)

g See the Life of Martin, by Sulpicius Severus, c. 9-14. The saint once mistook (as Don Quixote might have done) a harmless funeral for an idolatrous procession, and imprudently committed a miracle. h Compare Sozomen (1. vii. c. 15.) with Theodoret, (1. v. c. 21.) Between them, they relate the crusade and death of Marcellus.

slain by a body of exasperated rustics; and the synod of the province pronounced without hesitation, that the holy Marcellus had sacrificed his life in the cause of God. In the support of this cause, the monks, who rushed, with tumultuous fury, from the desert, distinguished themselves by their zeal and diligence. They deserved the enmity of the pagans; and some of them might deserve the reproaches of avarice and intemperance; of avarice, which they gratified with holy plunder, and of intemperance, which they indulged at the expense of the people, who foolishly admired their tattered garments, loud psalmody, and artificial paleness.i A small number of temples was protected by the fears, the venality, the taste, or the prudence, of the civil and ecclesiastical governors. The temple of the celestial Venus at Carthage, whose sacred precincts formed a circumference of two miles, was judiciously converted into a christian church; and a similar consecration has preserved inviolate the majestic dome of the Pantheon at Rome.' But in almost every province of the Roman world, an army of fanatics, without authority, and without discipline, invaded the peaceful inhabitants; and the ruin of the fairest structures of antiquity still displays the ravages of those barbarians, who alone had time and inclination to execute such laborious destruction. In this wide and various prospect of The temple of Serapis at Alex- devastation, the spectator may distinguish the ruins of the temple of Serapis, at Alexandria. Serapis does not appear to have been one of the native gods, or monsters, who sprung from the fruitful soil of superstitious Egypt." The first of the Ptolemies had been commanded, by a dream, to import the mysterious stranger from the coast of Pontus, where he had been long adored by the inhabitants of Sinope; but his attributes and his reign were so imperfectly understood, that it became a subject of dispute, whether he represented the bright orb of day, or the gloomy monarch of the subterraneous regions. The Egyptians, who were obstinately devoted to the religion of their fathers, refused to admit this foreign deity within the walls of their cities. But the obsequious priests, who were seduced by the liberality of the Ptolemies,

andria.

i Libanius, pro Templis, p. 10-13. He rails at these black-garbed men, the christian monks, who eat more than elephants. Poor ele. phants! they are temperate animals.

k Prosper Aquitan. 1. iii. c. 38. apud Baronium; Annal. Eccles. A. D. 389, No. 58, &c. The temple had been shut some time, and the access to it was overgrown with brambles.

1 Donatus, Roma Antiqua et Nova, l. iv. c. 4. p. 468. This consecration was performed by pope Boniface IV. I am ignorant of the favourable circumstances which had preserved the Pantheon above two hundred years after the reign of Theodosius.

m Sophronius composed a recent and separate history, (Jerom, in Script. Eccles. tom. i. p. 303.) which has furnished materials to Socra tes, (1. v. c. 16.) Theodoret, (1. v. c. 22.) and Rufinus. (1. ii. c. 22.) Yet the last, who had been at Alexandria before and after the event, may deserve the credit of an original witness.

n Gerard Vossius (Opera, tom. v. p. 80. and de Idololatriâ, 1. i. c. 29.) strives to support the strange notion of the fathers; that the patriarch Joseph was adored in Egypt, as the bull Apis, and the god Serapis.

o Origo Dei nondum nostris celebrata. Ægyptiorum antistites sic memorant, &c. Tacit. Hist. iv. 83. The Greeks, who had travelled into Egypt, were alike ignorant of this new deity.

p Macrobius, Saturnal. 1. i. c. 7. Such a living fact decisively proves his foreign extraction.

q At Rome, Isis and Serapis were united in the same temple. The precedency which the queen assumed, may seem to betray her unequal

His

submitted, without resistance, to the power of the god of Pontus: an honourable and domestic genealogy was provided; and this fortunate usurper was introduced into the throne and bed of Osiris, the husband of Isis, and the celestial monarch of Egypt. Alexandria, which claimed his peculiar protection, gloried in the name of the city of Serapis. temple, which rivalled the pride and magnificence of the capitol, was erected on the spacious summit of an artificial mount, raised one hundred steps above the level of the adjacent parts of the city; and the interior cavity was strongly supported by arches, and distributed into vaults and subterraneous apartments. The consecrated buildings were surrounded by a quadrangular portico; the stately halls, and exquisite statues, displayed the triumph of the arts; and the treasures of ancient learning were preserved in the famous Alexandrian library, which had arisen with new splendour from its ashes. After the edicts of Theodosius had severely prohibited the sacrifices of the pagans, they were still tolerated in the city and temple of Serapis ; and this singular indulgence was imprudently ascribed to the superstitious terrors of the christians themselves as if they had feared to abolish those ancient rites, which could alone secure the inundations of the Nile, the harvests of Egypt, and the subsistence of Constantinople.

Its final destruction, A. D. 389.

At that time" the archiepiscopal throne of Alexandria was filled by Theophilus, the perpetual enemy of peace and virtue; a bold, bad man, whose hands were alternately polluted with gold, and with blood. His pious indignation was excited by the honours of Serapis; and the insults which he offered to an ancient chapel of Bacchus, convinced the pagans that he meditated a more important and dangerous enterprise. In the tumultuous capital of Egypt, the slightest provocation was sufficient to inflame a civil war.

The votaries of Serapis, whose strength and numbers were much inferior to those of their antagonists, rose in arms at the instigation of the philosopher Olympius," who exhorted them to die in the defence of the altars of the gods. The pagan fanatics fortified themselves in the temple, or rather

alliance with the stranger of Pontus. But the superiority of the female sex was established in Egypt as a civil and religious institution, (Dio. dor. Sicul. tom. i. 1. 1. p. 31. edit. Wesseling,) and the same order is observed in Plutarch's Treatise of Isis and Osiris; whom he identifies with Serapis.

r Ammianus. (xxii. 16.) The Expositio totius Mundi, (p. 8. in Hudson's Geograph. Minor. tom. iii.) and Rufinus, (l. ii. c. 22.) celebrate the Serapeum, as one of the wonders of the world.

See Memoires de l'Acad. des Inscriptions, tom. ix. p. 397-416. The old library of the Ptolemies was totally consumed in Caesar's Alexandrian war. Marc Antony gave the whole collection of Pergamus (200,000 volumes) to Cleopatra, as the foundation of the new library of Alexandria.

t Libanius (pro Templis, p. 21.) indiscreetly provokes his christian masters by this insulting remark.

u We may choose between the date of Marcellinus, (A. D. 389.) or that of Prosper. (A. D. 391.) Tillemont, (Hist. des Emp. tom. v. p. 310. 756.) prefers the former, and Pagi the latter.

x Tillemont, Mem. Eccles. tom. xi. p. 441-500. The ambiguous situation of Theophilus, (a saint as the friend of Jerom, a devil as the enemy of Chrysostom,) produces a sort of impartiality; yet, upon the whole, the balance is justly inclined against him.

y Lardner (Heathen Testimonies, vol. iv. p. 411.) has alleged a beautiful passage from Suidas, or rather from Damascus, which shows the devout and virtuous Olympius, not in the light of a warrior, but of a prophet.

fictitious story, than to support a practical fraud. The colossal statue of Serapis was involved in the ruin of his temple and religion. A great number of plates of different metals, artificially joined together, composed the majestic figure of the deity, who touched on either side the walls of the sanctuary. The aspect of Serapis, his sitting posture, and the sceptre which he bore in his left hand, were extremely similar to the ordinary representations of Jupiter. He was distinguished from Jupiter by the basket, or bushel, which was placed on his head; and by the emblematic monster, which he held in his right hand: the head and body of a serpent branching into three tails, which were again terminated by the triple heads of a dog, a lion, and a wolf. It was confidently affirmed, that if any impious hand should dare to violate the majesty of the god, the heavens and the earth would instantly return to their original chaos. An intrepid soldier, animated by zeal, and armed with a weighty battleaxe, ascended the ladder; and even the christian multitude expected, with some anxiety, the event of the combat. He aimed a vigorous stroke against the cheek of Serapis; the cheek fell to the ground; the thunder was still silent, and both the heavens and the earth continued to preserve their accustomed order and tranquillity. The victorious soldier re

fortress, of Serapis; repelled the besiegers by daring | reflection, that it is much less difficult to invent a sallies, and a resolute defence; and, by the inhuman cruelties which they exercised on their christian prisoners, obtained the last consolation of despair. The efforts of the prudent magistrate were usefully exerted for the establishment of a truce, till the answer of Theodosius should determine the fate of Serapis. The two parties assembled, without arms, in the principal square; and the imperial rescript was publicly read. But when a sentence of destruction against the idols of Alexandria was pronounced, the christians set up a shout of joy and exultation, whilst the unfortunate pagans, whose fury had given way to consternation, retired with hasty and silent steps, and cluded, by their flight or obscurity, the resentment of their enemies. Theophilus proceeded to demolish the temple of Serapis, without any other difficulties, than those which he found in the weight and solidity of the materials; but these obstacles proved so insuperable, that he was obliged to leave the foundations; and to content himself with reducing the edifice itself to a heap of rubbish, a part of which was soon afterwards cleared away, to make room for a church, erected in honour of the christian martyrs. The valuable library of Alexandria was pillaged or destroyed; and near twenty years afterwards, the appearance of the empty shelves excited the regret and indignation of every spectator, whose mind was not totally dark-peated his blows: the huge idol was overthrown, ened by religious prejudice. The compositions of ancient genius, so many of which have irretrievably perished, might surely have been excepted from the wreck of idolatry, for the amusement and instruction of succeeding ages; and either the zeal or the avarice of the archbishop2 might have been satiated with the rich spoils, which were the reward of his victory. While the images and vases of gold and silver were carefully melted, and those of a less valuable metal were contemptuously broken, and cast into the streets, Theophilus laboured to expose the frauds and vices of the ministers of the idols : their dexterity in the management of the loadstone; their secret methods of introducing a human actor into a hollow statue; and their scandalous abuse of the confidence of devout husbands, and unsuspecting females. Charges like these may seem to deserve some degree of credit, as they are not repugnant to the crafty and interested spirit of superstition. But the same spirit is equally prone to the base practice of insulting and calumniating a fallen enemy; and our belief is naturally checked by the

Nos vidimus armaria librorum, quibus direptis, exinanita ea a nostris hominibus, nostrfs temporibus memorant. Orosius. 1. vi. c. 15. p. 421. edit. Havercamp. Though a bigot, and a controversial writer, Orosius seems to blush.

a Eunapius, in the Lives of Antoninus and Edesins, execrates the sacrilegious rapine of Theophilus. Tillemont (Mem. Eccles. tom. xiii. p. 453.) quotes an epistle of Isidore of Pelusium, which reproaches the primate with the idolatrous worship of gold, the auri sacra fames.

b Rufinus names the priest of Saturn, who, in the character of the god, familiarly conversed with many pious ladies of quality; till he betrayed himself, in a moment of transport, when he could not disguise the tone of his voice. The authentic and impartial narrative of Eschines, (see Bayle, Dictionnaire Critique, SCAMANDRE,) and the adventure of Mundus, (Joseph. Antiquitat. Judaic. I. xviii. c. 3. p. 877. edit. Havercamp.) may prove that such amorous frauds have been practised with success.

and broken in pieces; and the limbs of Serapis were ignominiously dragged through the streets of Alexandria. His mangled carcass was burnt in the amphitheatre, amidst the shouts of the populace; and many persons attributed their conversion to this discovery of the impotence of their tutelar deity. The popular modes of religion, that propose any visible and material objects of worship, have the advantage of adapting and familiarizing themselves to the senses of mankind: but this advantage is counterbalanced by the various and inevitable accidents to which the faith of the idolater is exposed. It is scarcely possible, that, in every disposition of mind, he should preserve his implicit reverence for the idols, or the relics, which the naked eye, and the profane hand, are unable to distinguish from the most common productions of art, or nature; and if, in the hour of danger, their secret and miraculous virtue does not operate for their own preservation, he scorns the vain apologies of his priests, and justly derides the object, and the folly, of his superstitious attachment. After the fall of Serapis,

c See the images of Serapis, in Montfaucon (tom. ii. p. 297.) but the description of Macrobius, (Saturnal. I. i. c. 20.) is much more picturesque and satisfactory.

d Sed fortes tremuere manus, motique verendâ
Majestate loci, si robora sacra ferirent

In sua credebant redituras membra secures.
(Lucan. iii. 429.) "Is it true (said Augustus to a veteran of Italy,
at whose house he supped,) that the man, who gave the first blow to
the golden statue of Anaitis, was instantly deprived of his eyes, and of
his life?"-" I was that man, (replied the clear-sighted veteran,) and
you now sup on one of the legs of the goddess." (Plin. Hist. Natur.
xxxiii. 24.)

e The history of the Reformation affords frequent examples of the sudden change from superstition to contempt.

oppressed,

some hopes were still entertained by the pagans, | lands, frankincense, and libations of wine, are that the Nile would refuse his annual supply to the specially enumerated and condemned; and the impious masters of Egypt; and the extraordinary harmless claims of the domestic genius, of the delay of the inundation seemed to announce the household gods, are included in this rigorous prodispleasure of the river-god. But this delay was scription. The use of any of these profane and soon compensated by the rapid swell of the waters. illegal ceremonies, subjects the offender to the forThey suddenly rose to such an unusual height, as to feiture of the house, or estate, where they have comfort the discontented party with the pleasing been performed; and if he has artfully chosen the expectation of a deluge; till the peaceful river property of another for the scene of his impiety, he again subsided to the well-known and fertilizing is compelled to discharge, without delay, a heavy level of sixteen cubits, or about thirty English feet. fine of twenty-five pounds of gold, or more than The temples of the Roman empire one thousand pounds sterling. A fine, not less conThe pagan reli. gion is prohibit were deserted, or destroyed; but the siderable, is imposed on the connivance of the ed, A. D. 390; ingenious superstition of the pagans secret enemies of religion, who shall neglect the still attempted to elude the laws of Theodosius, by duty of their respective stations, either to reveal, which all sacrifices had been severely prohibited. or to punish, the guilt of idolatry. Such was the The inhabitants of the country, whose conduct was persecuting spirit of the laws of Theodosius, which less exposed to the eye of malicious curiosity, dis- were repeatedly enforced by his sons and grandsons, guised their religious, under the appearance of con- with the loud and unanimous applause of the chrisvivial, meetings. On the days of solemn festivals, tian world. they assembled in great numbers under the spreading shade of some consecrated trees; sheep and oxen were slaughtered and roasted; and this rural entertainment was sanctified by the use of incense, and by the hymns, which were sung in honour of the gods. But it was alleged, that, as no part of the animal was made a burnt-offering, as no altar was provided to receive the blood, and as the previous oblation of salt cakes, and the concluding ceremony of libations, were carefully omitted, these festal meetings did not involve the guests in the guilt, or penalty, of an illegal sacrifice,s Whatever might be the truth of the facts, or the merit of the distinction, these vain pretences were swept away by the last edict of Theodosius; which inflicted a deadly wound on the superstition of the pagans. This prohibitory law is expressed in the most absolute and comprehensive terms. "It is our will and pleasure," says the emperor, "that none of our subjects, whether magistrates or private citizens, however exalted or however humble may be their rank and condition, shall presume, in any city, or in any place, to worship an inanimate idol, by the sacrifice of a guiltless victim." The act of sacrificing, and the practice of divination by the entrails of the victim, are declared (without any regard to the object of the inquiry) a crime of high-treason against the state; which can be expiated only by the death of the guilty. The rites of pagan superstition, which might seem less bloody and atrocious, are abolished, as highly injurious to the truth and honour of religion; luminaries, garf Sozomen, 1. vii. c. 20. I have supplied the measure. The same standard, of the inundation, and consequently of the cubit, has uniformly subsisted since the time of Herodotus. See Freret, in the Mem. de l'Academie des Inscriptions, tom. xvi. p. 344-353. Greaves's Miscellaneous Works, vol. i. p. 233. The Egyptian cubit is about twentytwo inches of the English measure.

g Libanius (pro Templis, p. 15, 16, 17.) pleads their cause with gentle and insinuating rhetoric. From the earliest age, such feasts had eu. livened the country; and those of Bacchus (Georgic. ii. 380,) had produced the theatre of Athens. See Godefroy, ad loc. Liban. and Codex Theodos. tom. vi. p. 284.

h Honorius tolerated these rustic festivals, (A. D. 399.) Absque ullo sacrificio, atque ullâ superstitione damnabili." But nine years afterwards he found it necessary to reiterate and enforce the same pro. viso. (Codex Theodos. I. xvi. tit. x. leg. 17. 19.)

In the cruel reigns of Decius and Diocletian, christianity had been proscribed, as a revolt from the ancient and hereditary religion of the empire; and the unjust suspicions which were entertained of a dark and dangerous faction, were, in some measure, countenanced by the inseparable union, and rapid conquests, of the catholic church. But the same excuses of fear and ignorance cannot be applied to the christian emperors, who violated the precepts of humanity and of the gospel. The experience of ages had betrayed the weakness, as well as folly, of paganism; the light of reason and of faith had already exposed, to the greatest part of mankind, the vanity of idols; and the declining sect, which still adhered to their worship, might have been permitted to enjoy, in peace and obscurity, the religious customs of their ancestors. Had the pagans been animated by the undaunted zeal, which possessed the minds of the primitive believers, the triumph of the church-must have been stained with blood; and the martyrs of Jupiter and Apollo might have embraced the glorious opportunity of devoting their lives and fortunes at the foot of their altars. But such obstinate zeal was not congenial to the loose and careless temper of polytheism. The violent and repeated strokes of the orthodox princes, were broken by the soft and yielding substance against which they were directed; and the ready obedience of the pagans protected them from the pains and penalties of the Theodosian code. Instead of asserting, that the

i Cod. Theodos. 1. xvi. tit. x. leg. 12. Jortin (Remarks on Eccles. H story, vol. iv. p. 134.) censures, with becoming asperity, the style and sentiments of this intolerant law.

tists.

Such a charge should not be lightly made; but it may surely be justified by the authority of St. Augustin, who thus addresses the Dona"Quis nostram, quis vestrum non laudat leges ab imperatoribus datas adversus sacrificia paganorum? Et certe longe ibi poena severior constituta est; illius quippe impietatis capitale supplicium est." Epist. xciii. No. 10. quoted by Le Clerc, (Bibliotheque Choisie, tom. viii. p. 277.) who adds some judicious reflections on the intolerance of the victorious christians.

1 Orosius, l. vii. c. 28. p. 537. Augustin (Enarrat. in Psalm cxl. apud Lardner, Heathen Testimonies, vol. iv. p. 458.) insults their cowardice. "Quis eorum comprehensus est in sacrificio (cum his legibus ista prohiberentur) et non negavit?"

authority of the gods was superior to that of the emperor, they desisted, with a plaintive murmur, from the use of those sacred rites which their sovereign had condemned. If they were sometimes tempted, by a sally of passion, or by the hopes of concealment, to indulge their favourite superstition; their humble repentance disarmed the severity of the christian magistrate, and they seldom refused to atone for their rashness, by submitting, with some secret reluctance, to the yoke of the gospel. The churches were filled with the increasing multitude of these unworthy proselytes, who had conformed, from temporal motives, to the reigning religion; and whilst they devoutly imitated the postures, and recited the prayers, of the faithful, they satisfied their conscience by the silent and sincere invocation of the gods of antiquity." If the pagans wanted patience to suffer, they wanted spirit to resist; and the scattered myriads, who deplored the ruin of the temples, yielded, without a contest, to the fortune of their adversaries. The disorderly opposition" of the peasants of Syria, and the populace of Alexandria, to the rage of private fanaticism, was silenced by the name and authority of the emperor. The pagans of the west, without contributing to the elevation of Eugenius, disgraced, by their partial attachment, the cause and character of the usurper. The clergy vehemently exclaimed, that he aggravated the crime of rebellion by the guilt of apostasy; that, by his permission, the altar of Victory was again restored; and that the idolatrous symbols of Jupiter and Hercules were displayed in the field, against the invincible standard of the cross. But the vain hopes of the pagans were soon annihilated by the defeat of Eugenius; and they were left exposed to the resentment of the conqueror, who laboured to deserve the favour of heaven by the extirpation of idolatry."

and finally extinguished,

A nation of slaves is always prepar

A. D. 390-420, ed to applaud the clemency of their

&c.

master, who, in the abuse of absolute power, does not proceed to the last extremes of injustice and oppression. Theodosius might undoubtedly have proposed to his pagan subjects the alternative of baptism or of death; and the eloquent Libanius has praised the moderation of a prince, who never enacted, by any positive law, that all his subjects should immediately embrace and practise the religion of their sovereign. The profession of christianity was not made an essential qualification

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n Libanius concludes his apology, (p. 32.) by declaring to the emperor, that unless he expressly warrants the destruction of the temples, ισθι της των αγρών δεσποτας, και αυτοίς, και τῳ νομῳ βοηθησοντας, the proprietors will defend themselves and the laws.

Paulinus, in Vit. Ambros. c. 26. Augustin de Civitat. Dei, 1. v. c. 26. Theodoret, 1. v. c. 24.

p Libanius suggests the form of a persecuting edict, which Theodo. sius might enact: (pro Templis, p. 32.) a rash joke, and a dangerous experiment. Some princes would have taken his advice.

q Denique pro meritis terrestribus æque rependens
Munera, sacricolis summos impertit honores.

Ipse magistratum tibi consulis, ipse tribunal
Contulit.

for the enjoyment of the civil rights of society, nor were any peculiar hardships imposed on the sectaries, who credulously received the fables of Ovid, and obstinately rejected the miracles of the gospel. The palace, the schools, the army, and the senate, were filled with declared and devout pagans; they obtained, without distinction, the civil and military honours of the empire. Theodosius distinguished his liberal regard for virtue and genius, by the consular dignity, which he bestowed on Symmachus; and by the personal friendship which he expressed to Libanius; and the two eloquent apologists of paganism were never required either to change, or to dissemble, their religious opinions. The pagans were indulged in the most licentious freedom of speech and writing; the historical and philosophical remains of Eunapius, Zosimus, and the fanatic teachers of the school of Plato, betray the most furious animosity, and contain the sharpest invectives, against the sentiments and conduct of their victorious adversaries. If these audacious libels were publicly known, we must applaud the good sense of the christian princes, who viewed, with a smile of contempt, the last struggles of superstition and despair. But the imperial laws, which prohibited the sacrifices and ceremonies of paganism, were rigidly executed; and every hour contributed to destroy the influence of a religion, which was supported by custom, rather than by argument. The devotion of the poet, or the philosopher, may be secretly nourished by prayer, meditation, and study; but the exercise of public worship appears to be the only solid foundation of the religious sentiments of the people, which derive their force from imitation and habit. The interruption of that public exercise may consummate, in the period of a few years, the important work of a national revolution. The memory of theological opinions cannot long be preserved, without the artificial helps of priests, of temples, and of books." The ignorant vulgar, whose minds are still agitated by the blind hopes and terrors of superstition, will be soon persuaded by their superiors, to direct their vows to the reigning deities of the age; and will insensibly imbibe an ardent zeal for the support and propagation of the new doctrine, which spiritual hunger at first compelled them to accept. The generation that arose in the world after the promulgation of the imperial laws, was attracted within the pale of the catholic church and so rapid, yet so gentle, was the fall of

r Libanius (pro Templis, p. 32.) is proud that Theodosius should thus distinguish a man, who even in his presence would swear by Ju. piter. Yet this presence seems to be no more than a figure of rhetoric. s Zosimus, who styles himself Count and Ex-advocate of the Treasury, reviles, with partial and indecent bigotry, the christian princes, and even the father of his sovereign. His work must have been pri vately circulated, since it escaped the invectives of the ecclesiastical historians prior to Evagrius, (l. iii. c. 40-42.) who lived towards the end of the sixth century.

t Yet the pagans of Africa complained, that the times would not allow them to answer with freedom the city of God; nor does St. Augustin (v. 26.) deny the charge.

u The Moors of Spain, who secretly preserved the Mahometan religion, above a century, under the tyranny of the Inquisition, possessed the Koran, with the peculiar use of the Arabic tongue. See the curious and honest story of their expulsion in Geddes, (Miscellanies, vol. i. p. 1-198.)

Prudent. in Symmach. i. 617, &c.

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