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Damascus, they reposed near the grove and foun- | of Abubeker to supply his place, appeared to mark tain of Tabuc. Beyond that place Mahomet declined the prosecution of the war: he declared himself satisfied with the peaceful intentions, he was more probably daunted by the martial array, of the emperor of the east. But the active and intrepid Caled spread around the terror of his name; and the prophet received the submission of the tribes and cities, from the Euphrates to Ailah, at | the head of the Red sea. To his christian subjects, Mahomet readily granted the security of their persons, the freedom of their trade, the property of their goods, and the toleration of their worship.* The weakness of their Arabian brethren had restrained them from opposing his ambition; the disciples of Jesus were endeared to the enemy of the Jews; and it was the interest of a conqueror to propose a fair capitulation to the most powerful religion of the earth.

Death of Maho-
met,
A. D. 632.

June 7.

Till the age of sixty-three years, the strength of Mahomet was equal to the temporal and spiritual fatigues of his mission. His epileptic fits, an absurd calumny of the Greeks, would be an object of pity rather than abhorrence; but he seriously believed that he was poisoned at Chaibar by the revenge of a Jewish female. During four years, the health of the prophet declined; his infirmities increased; but his mortal disease was a fever of fourteen days, which deprived him by intervals of the use of reason. As soon as he was conscious of his danger, he edified his brethren by the humility of his virtue or penitence. "If there be any man," said the apostle from the pulpit, "whom I have unjustly scourged, I submit my own back to the lash of retaliation. Have I aspersed the reputation of a mussulman? let him proclaim my faults in the face of the congregation. Has any one been despoiled of his goods? the little that I possess shall compensate the principal and the interest of the debt." "Yes," replied a voice from the crowd, "I am entitled to three drams of silver." Mahomet heard the complaint, satisfied the demand, and thanked his creditor for accusing him in this world rather than at the day of judgment. He beheld with temperate firmness the approach of death; enfranchised his slaves; (seventeen men, as they are named, and eleven women ;) minutely directed the order of his funeral, and moderated the lamentations of his weeping friends, on whom he bestowed the benediction of peace. Till the third day before his death, he regularly performed the function of public prayer: the choice

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k The Diploma securitatis Ailensibus, is attested by Ahmed Ben Joseph, and the author Libri Splendorum; (Gagnier. Not. ad Abulfedam, p. 125.) but Abulfeda himself, as well as Elmacin, (Hist. Saracen. p. 11.) though he owns Mahomet's regard for the christians, (p. 13.) only mentions peace and tribute. In the year 1630 Sionita published at Paris the text and version of Mahomet's patent in favour of the christians; which was admitted and reprobated by the opposite taste of Salmasius and Grotius. (Bayle, MAHOMET, Rem. AA.) Hottinger doubts of its authenticity; (Hist. Orient. p. 237.) Renaudot urges the consent of the Mahometans; (Hist. Patriarch. Alex. p. 169.) but Mosheim (Hist. Eccles. p. 244.) shows the futility of their opinion, and inclines to believe it spurious. Yet Abulpharagius quotes the impostor's treaty with the Nestorian patriarch; (Asseman. Bibliot. Orient. tom. ii. p. 418.) but Abulpharagius was primate of the Jacobites.

that ancient and faithful friend as his successor in
the sacerdotal and regal office; but he prudently
declined the risk and envy of a more explicit nomi-
nation. At a moment when his faculties were visi-
bly impaired, he called for pen and ink to write, or,
more properly, to dictate, a divine book, the sum
and accomplishment of all his revelations: a dis-
pute arose in the chamber, whether he should be
allowed to supersede the authority of the Koran;
and the prophet was forced to reprove the indecent
vehemence of his disciples. If the slightest credit
may be afforded to the traditions of his wives and
companions, he maintained, in the bosom of his
family, and to the last moments of his life, the dig-
nity of an apostle, and the faith of an enthusiast;
described the visits of Gabriel, who bade an ever-
lasting farewell to the earth, and expressed his
lively confidence, not only of the mercy, but of the
favour, of the Supreme Being. In a familiar dis-
course he had mentioned his special prerogative,
that the angel of death was not allowed to take his
soul till he had respectfully asked the permission of
the prophet. The request was granted; and Ma-
homet immediately fell into the agony of his disso-
lution: his head was reclined on the lap of Ayesha,
the best beloved of all his wives; he fainted with
the violence of pain; recovering his spirits, he raised
his eyes towards the roof of the house, and, with a
steady look, though a faltering voice, uttered the
last broken, though articulate, words: "O God!
pardon my sins . . Yes,
I come,
among my fellow-citizens on high:" and thus
peaceably expired on a carpet spread upon the floor.
An expedition for the conquest of Syria was stopped
by this mournful event: the army halted at the
gates of Medina: the chiefs were assembled round
their dying master. The city, more especially the
house, of the prophet, was a scene of clamorous
sorrow or silent despair: fanaticism alone could
suggest a ray of hope and consolation.
"How can
he be dead, our witness, our intercessor, our medi-
ator with God? By God he is not dead: like Moses
and Jesus he is wrapt in a holy trance, and speedily
will he return to his faithful people." The evidence
of sense was disregarded; and Omar, unsheathing
his scymitar, threatened to strike off the heads of
the infidels, who should dare to affirm that the
prophet was no more. The tumult was appeased
by the weight and moderation of Abubeker.
it Mahomet," said he to Omar and the multitude,
the God of Mahomet, whom you worship? The

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"Is

1 The epilepsy, or falling-sickness, of Mahomet, is asserted by Theophanes, Zonaras, and the rest of the Greeks; and is greedily swallowed by the gross bigotry of Hottinger, (Hist. Orient. p. 10, 11.) Prideaux, (Life of Mahomet, p. 12.) and Maracci. (tom. ii. Alcoran, p. 762, 763.) The titles (the wrapped up, the covered) of two chapters of the Koran (73, 74.) can hardly be strained to such an interpretation: the silence, the ignorance of the Mahometan commentators, is more conclusive than the most peremptory denial; and the charitable side is espoused by Ockley, (Hist. of the Saracens, tom. i. p. 301.) Gagnier, (ad Abulfeda, p. 9. Vie de Mahomet, tom. i. p. 118) and Sale. (Koran, p. 469-474.)

m This poison (more ignominious since it was offered as a test of his prophetic knowledge) is frankly confessed by his zealous votaries, Abulfeda (p. 92.) and Al Jannabi. (apud Gagnier, tom. ii. p. 286-288.)

God of Mahomet liveth for ever, but the apostle | deceive himself, how a good man may deceive was a mortal like ourselves, and according to his own prediction, he has experienced the common fate of mortality." He was piously interred by the hands of his nearest kinsman, on the same spot on which he expired: Medina has been sanctified by the death and burial of Mahomet; and the innumerable pilgrims of Mecca often turn aside from the way, to bow, in voluntary devotion," before the simple tomb of the prophet.P

At the conclusion of the life of MaHis character. homet, it may perhaps be expected,

that I should balance his faults and virtues, that I should decide whether the title of enthusiast or impostor more properly belongs to that extraordinary man. Had I been intimately conversant with the son of Abdallah, the task would still be difficult, and the success uncertain: at the distance of twelve centuries, I darkly contemplate his shade through a cloud of religious incense; and could I truly delineate the portrait of an hour, the fleeting resemblance would not equally apply to the solitary of mount Hera, to the preacher of Mecca, and to the conqueror of Arabia. The author of a mighty revolution appears to have been endowed with a pious and contemplative disposition: so soon as marriage had raised him above the pressure of want, he avoided the paths of ambition and avarice; and till the age of forty, he lived with innocence, and would have died without a name. The unity

of God is an idea most congenial to nature and reason; and a slight conversation with the Jews and christians would teach him to despise and detest the idolatry of Mecca. It was the duty of a man and a citizen to impart the doctrine of salvation, to rescue his country from the dominion of sin and error.

The energy of a mind incessantly bent on the same object, would convert a general obligation into a particular call; the warm suggestions of the understanding or the fancy, would be felt as the inspirations of heaven; the labour of thought would expire in rapture and vision; and the inward sensation, the invisible monitor, would be described with the form and attributes of an angel of God. From enthusiasm to imposture, the step is perilous and slippery: the dæmon of Socrates' affords a memorable instance, how a wise man may

n The Greeks and Latins have invented and propagated the vulgar and ridiculous story, that Mahomet's iron tomb is suspended in the air at Mecca (σημα μετεωριζόμενον. Laonicus Chalcocondyles de Rebus Turcicis, I. iii. p. 66.) by the action of equal and potent loadstones. (Dictionnaire de Bayle, MAHOMET, Rem. EE. FF.) Without any philosophical inquiries, it may suffice, that, 1. The prophet was not buried at Mecca; and, 2. That his tomb at Medina, which has been visited by millions, is placed on the ground, (Reland de Relig. Moham. 1. ii. c. 19. p. 209-211.) Gaguier, (Vie de Maliomet, tom. iii. p. 263268.)

o Al Jannabi enumerates (Vie de Mahomet, tom. iii. p. 372-391.) the multifarious duties of a pilgrim who visits the tombs of the pro phet and his companions; and the learned casuist decides, that this act of devotion is nearest in obligation and merit to a divine precept. The doctors are divided which, of Mecca and Medina, be the most excellent. (p. 391-394.)

P The last sickness, death, and burial of Mahomet, are described by Abulfeda and Gagnier. (Vit. Moham. p. 133-142. Vie de Mahomet, tom. iii. p. 220-271.) The most private and interesting circumstances were originally received from Ayesha, Ali, the sons of Abbas, &c.; and as they dwelt at Medina, and survived the prophet many years, they might repeat the pious tale to a second or third generation of pilgrims. 4 The christians, rashly enough, have assigned to Mahomet a tame

others, how the conscience may slumber in a mixed and middle state between self-illusion and voluntary fraud. Charity may believe that the original motives of Mahomet were those of pure and genuine benevolence; but a human missionary is incapable of cherishing the obstinate unbelievers who reject his claims, despise his arguments, and persecute his life; he might forgive his personal adversaries, he may lawfully hate the enemies of God; the stern passions of pride and revenge were kindled in the bosom of Mahomet, and he sighed, like the prophet of Nineveh, for the destruction of the rebels whom he had condemned. The injustice of Mecca, and the choice of Medina, transformed the citizen into a prince, the humble preacher into the leader of armies; but his sword was consecrated by the example of the saints; and the same God who afflicts a sinful world with pestilence and earthquakes, might inspire for their conversion or chastisement the valour of his servants. In the exercise of political government, he was compelled to abate of the stern rigour of fanaticism, to comply in some measure with the prejudices and passions of his followers, and to employ even the vices of mankind as the instruments of their salvation. The use of fraud and perfidy, of cruelty and injustice, were often subservient to the propagation of the faith; and Mahomet commanded or approved the assassination of the Jews and idolaters who had escaped from the field of battle. By the repetition of such acts, the character of Mahomet must have been gradually stained; and the influence of such pernicious habits would be poorly compensated by the practice of the personal and social virtues which are necessary to maintain the reputation of a prophet among his sectaries and friends. Of his last years, ambition was the ruling passion; and a politician will suspect, that he secretly smiled (the victorious impostor!) at the enthusiasm of his youth, and the credulity of his proselytes. A philosopher will observe, that their credulity and his success would tend more strongly to fortify the assurance of his divine mission, that his interest and religion were inseparably connected, and that his conscience would be soothed by the persuasion, that he alone was absolved by the Deity from the obligation of

pigeon, that seemed to descend from heaven and whisper in his ear. As this pretended miracle is urged by Grotius, (de Veritate Religionis Christianæ,) his Arabic translator, the learned Pocock, inquired of him the names of his authors; and Grotius confessed, that it is unknown to the Mahometans themselves. Lest it should provoke their indignation and laughter, the pious lie is suppressed in the Arabic version; but it has maintained an edifying place in the numerous editions of the Latin text. (Pocock, Specimen Hist. Arabum, p. 186, 187. Reland, de Religion. Moham. 1. ii. c. 39. p. 259–262.)

- Εμοι δε τουτο εξιν εκ παιδος αρξαμενον, φωνη τις γιγνομένη ή όταν γένηται αει αποτρέπει με τούτου ὁ αν μέλλω πραττειν, προτρέπει δε OUTOTE. (Plato, in Apolog. Socrat. c. 19. p. 121, 122. edit. Fischer.) The familiar examples, which Socrates urges in his Dialogue with Theages, (Platon. Opera, tom. i. p. 128, 129. edit. Hen. Stephan.) are beyond the reach of human foresight; and the divine inspiration (the Aanoviov) of the philosopher, is clearly taught in the Memorabilia of Xenophion. The ideas of the most rational Platonists are expressed by Cicero, (de Divinat. i. 54.) and in the fourteenth and fifteenth Dis sertations of Maximus of Tyre, (p. 153–172. edit. Davis.)

s In some passage of his voluminous writings, Voltaire compares the prophet, in his old age, to a fakir: "qui detache le chaine de son cou pour en donner sur les oreilles à ses confreres."

Private life of

His wives,

positive and moral laws. If he retained any vestige | ber the seven hundred wives and three of his native innocence, the sins of Mahomet may hundred concubines of the wise Solobe allowed as an evidence of his sincerity. In the mon, we shall applaud the modesty of the Arabian, support of truth, the arts of fraud and fiction may who espoused no more than seventeen or fifteen be deemed less criminal; and he would have started wives; eleven are enumerated who occupied at at the foulness of the means, had he not been satis- Medina their separate apartments round the house fied of the importance and justice of the end. Even of the apostle, and enjoyed in their turns the favour in a conqueror or a priest, I can surprise a word or of his conjugal society. What is singular enough, action of unaffected humanity; and the decree of they were all widows, excepting only Ayesha, the Mahomet, that, in the sale of captives, the mothers daughter of Abubeker. She was doubtless a virgin, should never be separated from their children, since Mahomet consummated his nuptials (such is may suspend, or moderate, the censure of the his- the premature ripeness of the climate) when she was torian.' only nine years of age. The youth, the beauty, the spirit of Ayesha, gave her a superior ascendant: she was beloved and trusted by the prophet; and, after his death, the daughter of Abubeker was long revered as the mother of the faithful. Her behaviour had been ambiguous and indiscreet: in a nocturnal march she was accidentally left behind; and in the morning Ayesha returned to the camp with a man. The temper of Mahomet was inclined to jealousy ; but a divine revelation assured him of her innocence: he chastised her accusers, and published a law of domestic peace, that no woman should be condemned unless four male witnesses had seen her in the act of adultery." In his adventures with Zeineb, the wife of Zeid, and with Mary, an Egyptian captive, the amorous prophet forgot the interest of his reputation. At the house of Zeid, his freedman and adopted son, he beheld, in a loose undress, the beauty of Zeineb, and burst forth into an ejaculation of devotion and desire. The servile, or grateful, freedman understood the hint, and yielded without hesitation to the love of his benefactor. But as the filial relation had excited some doubt and scandal, the angel Gabriel descended from heaven to ratify the deed, annul the adoption, and gently to reprove the apostle for distrusting the indulgence of his God. One of his wives, Hafna, the daughter of Omar, surprised him on her own bed, in the embraces of his Egyptian captive: she promised secrecy and forgiveness: he swore that he would renounce the possession of Mary. Both parties forgot their engagements: and Gabriel again descended with a chapter of the Koran, to absolve him from his oath, and to exhort him freely to enjoy his captives and concubines, without listening to the clamours of his wives. In a solitary retreat of thirty days, he laboured, alone with Mary, to fulfil the commands of the angel. When his love and revenge were satiated, he summoned to his presence his eleven wives, reproached their disobedience and indiscretion, and threatened them with a sentence of divorce, both in this world and in the next: a

The good sense of Mahomet" deMahomet. spised the pomp of royalty: the apostle of God submitted to the menial offices of the family; he kindled the fire, swept the floor, milked the ewes, and mended with his own hands his shoes and his woollen garment. Disdaining the penance and merit of a hermit, he observed, without effort or vanity, the abstemious diet of an Arab and a soldier. On solemn occasions he feasted his companions with | rustic and hospitable plenty; but in his domestic life, many weeks would elapse without a fire being kindled on the hearth of the prophet. The interdiction of wine was confirmed by his example: his hunger was appeased with a sparing allowance of barley-bread: he delighted in the taste of milk and honey; but his ordinary food consisted of dates and water. Perfumes and women were the two sensual enjoyments which his nature required, and his religion did not forbid ; and Mahomet affirmed, that the fervour of his devotion was increased by these innocent pleasures. The heat of the climate inflames the blood of the Arabs; and their libidinous complexion has been noticed by the writers of antiquity.* | Their incontinence was regulated by the civil and religious laws of the Koran: their incestuous alliances were blamed; the boundless licence of polygamy was reduced to four legitimate wives or concubines; their rights both of bed and of dowry were equitably determined; the freedom of divorce was discouraged, adultery was condemned as a capital offence; and fornication, in either sex, was punished with a hundred stripes. Such were the calm and rational precepts of the legislator: but in his private conduct, Mahomet indulged the appetites of a man, and abused the claims of a prophet. A special revelation dispensed him from the laws which he had imposed on his nation; the female sex, without reserve, was abandoned to his desires; and this singular prerogative excited the envy rather than the scandal, the veneration rather than the envy, of the devout mussulmans. If we remem

↑ Gagnier relates, with the same impartial pen, this humane law of the prophet, and the murders of Caab, and Sophian, which he prompted and approved. (Vie de Mahomet, tom. ii. p. 69. 97. 208.)

u For the domestic life of Mahomet, consult Gagnier, and the coresponding chapters of Abulfeda; for his diet, (tom. iii. p. 285-288. his children, (p. 189. 289.) his wives, (p. 290-303.) his marriage with Zeineb, (tom. ii. p. 152-160.) his amour with Mary, (p. 303–309.) the false accusation of Ayesha, (p. 186-199.) The most original evidence of the three last transactions is contained in the twenty-fourth, thirty-third, and sixty-sixth chapters of the Koran, with Sale's Commentary. Prideaux (Life of Mahomet, p. 80-90.) and Maracci (Pro

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drom. Alcoran, part iv. p. 49–59.) have maliciously exaggerated the frailties of Mahomet.

x Incredibile est quo ardore apud eos in Venerem uterque solvitur sexus. (Ammian. Marcellin. 1. xiv. c. 4.)

y Sale (Preliminary Discourse, p. 133-137.) has recapitulated the laws of marriage, divorce, &c.; and the curious reader of Selden's Uxor Hebraica will recognize many Jewish ordinances.

z In a memorable case, the Caliphi Omar decided that all presumptive evidence was of no avail; and that all the four witnesses must have actually seen stylum iu pyxide. (Abulfed Annales Moslemici, p. 71. vers. Reiske.)

dreadful sentence, since those who had ascended the bed of the prophet were for ever excluded from the hope of a second marriage. Perhaps the incontinence of Mahomet may be palliated by the tradition of his natural or preternatural gift;a he united the manly virtue of thirty of the children of Adam; and the apostle might rival the thirteenth labour of the Grecian Hercules. A more serious and decent excuse may be drawn from his fidelity to Cadijah. During the twenty-four years of their marriage, her youthful husband abstained from the right of polygamy, and the pride or tenderness of the venerable matron was never insulted by the society of a rival. After her death, he placed her in the rank of the four perfect women, with the sister of Moses, the mother of Jesus, and Fatima, the best beloved of his daughters. Was she not oid?" said Ayesha, with the insolence of a blooming beauty; " has not God given you a better in her place?" "No, by God," said Mahomet, with an effusion of honest gratitude, "there never can be a better! She believed in me, when men despised me: she relieved my wants, when I was poor and persecuted by the world."d

and children.

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Character of Ali.

The birth, the alliance, the character of Ali, which exalted him above the rest of his countrymen, might justify his claim to the vacant throne of Arabia. The son of Abu Taleb was, in his own right, the chief of the family of Hashem, and the hereditary prince or guardian of the city and temple of Mecca. The light of prophecy was extinct; but the husband of Fatima might expect the inheritance and blessing of her father: the Arabs had sometimes been patient of a female reign; and the two grandsons of the prophet had often been fondled in his lap, and shown in his pulpit, as the hope of his age, and the chief of the youth of paradise. The first of the true believers might aspire to march before them in this world and in the next; and if some were of a graver and more rigid cast, the zeal and virtue of Ali were never outstripped by any recent proselyte. He united the qualifications of a poet, a soldier, and a saint: his wisdom still breathes in a collection of moral and religious sayings; and every antagonist, in the combats of the tongue or of the sword, was subdued by his eloquence and valour. From the first hour of his mission to the last rites of his funeral, the apostle was never forsaken by a generous friend, whom he delighted to name his brother, his vicegerent, and the faithful Aaron of a second Moses. The son of Abu Taleb was afterwards reproached for neglecting to secure his interest by a solemn declaration of his right, which would have silenced all competition, and sealed his succession by the decrees of heaven. But the unsuspecting hero confided in himself: the jealousy of empire, and perhaps the fear of opposition, might suspend the resolutions of Mahomet; and the bed of sickness was besieged by the artful Ayesha, the daughter of Abubeker, and the enemy of Ali.

In the largest indulgence of polygamy, the founder of a religion and empire might aspire to multiply the chances of a numerous posterity and a lineal succession. The hopes of Mahomet were fatally disappointed. The virgin Ayesha, and his ten widows of mature age and approved fertility, were barren in his potent embraces. The four sons of Cadijah died in their infancy. Mary, his Egyptian concubine, was endeared to him by the birth of Ibrahim. At the end of fifteen months the prophet wept over his grave; but he sustained with firmness the raillery of his enemies, and checked the adulation or credulity of the Moslems, by the assurance that an eclipse of the The silence and death of the prophet Reign of Abnsun was not occasioned by the death of the infant. restored the liberty of the people; and Cadijah had likewise given him four daughters, who his companions convened an assembly were married to the most faithful of his disciples: to deliberate on the choice of his successor. the three eldest died before their father; but Fatima, hereditary claim and lofty spirit of Ali, were offenwho possessed his confidence and love, became the sive to an aristocracy of elders, desirous of bestowwife of her cousin Ali, and the mother of an illus- ing and resuming the sceptre by a free and frequent trious progeny. The merit and misfortunes of Ali election: the Koreish could never be reconciled to and his descendants will lead me to anticipate, the proud pre-eminence of the line of Hashem; the in this place, the series of the Saracen caliphs, a ancient discord of the tribes was rekindled; the title which describes the commanders of the faith-fugitives of Mecca and the auxiliaries of Medina ful as the vicars and successors of the apostle of asserted their respective merits; and the rash proGod. posal of choosing two independent caliphs would

iv.

a Sibi robur ad generationem, quantum triginta viri habent inesse jactaret: ita ut unicâ horâ posset undecim fœminis satisfacere, ut ex Arabum libris refert Stus Petrus Paschasius, c. 2. (Maracci, Prodromus Alcoran, p. p. 55. See likewise Observations de Belon. 1. iii. c. 10. fol. 179. recto.) Al Jannabi (Gagnier, tom. iii. p. 487.) records his own testimony, that he surpassed all men in conjugal vigour; and Abulfeda mentions the exclamation of Ali, who washed his body after his death, "O propheta, certe penis suus cœlum versus erectus est," (in Vit. Maliommed. p. 140.)

b I borrow the style of a father of the church, εναθλεύων Ηρακλέος TρIOкNIČEKαTоv aλov. (Greg. Naziauzen, Orat. iii. p. 108.)

e The common and most glorious legend includes, in a single night, the fifty victories of Hercules over the virgin daughters of Thestius, (Diodor. Sicul. tom. i. l. iv. p. 274. Pausanias, 1. ix. p. 763. Statins Sylv. I. i. eleg. iii. v. 42.) But Athenæus allows seven nights, (Diepnosophist. 1. xiii. p. 556.) and Apollodorus fifty, for this arduous achievement of Hercules, who was then no more than eighteen years of age. (Bibliot. 1. ii. c. 4. p. 111. cum notis Heyne, part. i. p. 332.)

beker, A. D. 632. June 7.

The

d Abulfeda in Vit. Moham. p. 12, 13. 16, 17. cum notis Gagnier. e This outline of the Arabian history is drawn from the Bibliotheque Orientale of D'Herbelot, (under the names of Aboubecre, Omar, Othman, Ali, &c.) from the Annals of Abulfeda, Abulpharagius, and Elmacin, (under the proper years of the Hegira,) and especially from Ockley's History of the Saracens, (vol. i. p. 1-10. 115–122. 229. 249. 363-372. 378-391. and almost the whole of the second volume.) Yet we should weigh with caution the traditions of the hostile sects; stream which becomes still more muddy as it flows further from the source. Sir John Chardin has too faithfully copied the fables and errors of the modern Persians. (Voyages, tom. ii. p. 235-250, &c.)

a

f Ockley (at the end of his second volume) has given an English version of 169 sentences, which he ascribes, with some hesitation, to Ali, the son of Abu Taleb. His preface is coloured by the enthusiasm of a translator; yet these sentences delineate a characteristic, though dark, picture of human life.

have crushed in their infancy the religion and empire of the Saracens. The tumult was appeased by the disinterested resolution of Omar, who, suddenly renouncing his own pretensions, stretched forth his hand, and declared himself the first subject of the mild and venerable Abubeker. The urgency of the moment, and the acquiescence of the people, might excuse this illegal and precipitate measure; but Omar himself confessed from the pulpit, that if any mussulman should hereafter presume to anticipate the suffrage of his brethren, both the elector and the elected would be worthy of death. After the simple inauguration of Abubeker, he was obeyed in Medina, Mecca, and the provinces of Arabia: the Hashemites alone declined the oath of fidelity; and their chief, in his own house, maintained, above six months, a sullen and independent reserve; without listening to the threats of Omar, who attempted to consume with fire the habitation of the daughter of the apostle. The death of Fatima, and the decline of his party, subdued the indignant spirit of Ali: he condescended to salute the commander of the faithful, accepted his excuse of the necessity of preventing their common enemies, and wisely rejected his courteous offer of abdicating the government of the Arabians. After a reign of two years, the aged caliph was summoned by the angel of death. In his testament, with the tacit approbation of his companions, he bequeathed the sceptre to the firm and intrepid virtue of Omar. "I have no occasion," said the modest candidate, " for the place." "But the place has occasion for you," replied Abubeker; who expired with a fervent prayer, that the God of Mahomet would ratify his choice, and direct the mussulmans in the way of concord and obedience. The prayer was not ineffectual, since Ali himself, in a life of privacy and prayer, professed to revere the superior worth and dignity of his rival; who comforted him for the loss of empire, by the most flattering marks of confidence and esteem. In the twelfth year of his reign, Omar received a mortal wound from the hand of an assassin; he rejected with equal impartiality the names of his son and of Ali, refused to load his conscience with the sins of his successor, and devolved on six of the most respectable companions the arduous task of electing a commander of the faithful. On this occasion, Ali was again blamed by his friends" for submitting his right to the judgment of men, for recognizing their jurisdiction by accepting a place among the

Of Omar, A. D. 634. July 24.

g Ockley (Hist. of the Saracens, vol. i. p. 5, 6.) from an Arabian MS. represents Ayesha as adverse to the substitution of her father in the place of the apostle. This fact, so improbable in itself, is unnoticed by Abulfeda, Al Jannabi, and Al Bochari, the last of whom quotes the tradition of Ayesha herself. (Vit. Mohammed. p. 136. Vie de Mahomet, tom. iii. p. 236.)

h Particularly by his friend and cousin Abdallah, the son of Abbas, who died A. D. 687. with the title of grand doctor of the Moslems. In Abulfeda he recapitulated the important occasions in which Ali had neglected his salutary advice; (p. 76. vers. Reiske;) and concludes, (p. 85.) O princeps fidelium, absque controversia tu quidem vere fortis es, at inops boni consilii, et rerum gerendarum parum callens.

i I suspect that the two seniors (Abulpharagius, p. 115. Ockley, tom. i. p. 371.) may signify not two actual counsellors, but his two predecessors, Abubeker and Omar.

* The schism of the Persians is explained by all our travellers of the last century, especially in the second and fourth volumes of their master,

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of Othman ; A. D. 644. Νον. 6.

six electors. He might have obtained their suffrage, had he deigned to promise a strict and servile conformity, not only to the Koran and tradition, but likewise to the determinations of two seniors.i With these limitations, Othman, the secretary of Mahomet, accepted the government; nor was it till after the third caliph, twenty-four years after the death of the prophet, that Ali was invested, by the popular choice, with the regal and sacerdotal office. The manners of the Arabians retained their primitive simplicity, and the son of Abu Taleb despised the pomp and vanity of this world. At the hour of prayer, he repaired to the mosch of Medina, clothed in a thin cotton gown, a coarse turban on his head, his slippers in one hand, and his bow in the other, instead of a walking-staff. The companions of the prophet and the chiefs of the tribes saluted their new sovereign, and gave him their right hands as a sign of fealty and allegiance.

Discord of the Turks and Per

sians.

The mischiefs that flow from the contests of ambition are usually confined to the times and countries in which they have been agitated. But the religious discord of the friends and enemies of Ali has been renewed in every age of the Hegira, and is still maintained in the immortal hatred of the Persians and Turks. The former, who are branded with the appellation of Shiites or sectaries, have enriched the Mahometan creed with a new article of faith; and if Mahomet be the apostle, his companion Ali is the vicar, of God. In their private converse, in their public worship, they bitterly execrate the three usurpers who intercepted his indefeasible right to the dignity of imam and caliph; and the name of Omar expresses in their tongue the perfect accomplishment of wickedness and impiety. The Sonnites, who are supported by the general consent and orthodox traditions of the mussulmans, entertain a more impartial, or at least a more decent, opinion. They respect the memory of Abubeker, Omar, Othman, and Ali, the holy and legitimate successors of the prophet. But they assign the last and most humble place to the husband of Fatima, in the persuasion that the order of succession was determined by the degrees of sanctity." An historian who balances the four caliphs with a hand unshaken by superstition, will calmly pronounce, that their manners were alike pure and exemplary; that their zeal was fervent and probably sincere; and that, in the midst of riches and power, their lives were deChardin. Niebuhr, though of inferior merit, has the advantage of writing so late as the year 1764, (Voyages en Arabie, &c. tom. ii. p. 208-233.) since the ineffectual attempt of Nadir Shah to change the religion of the nation, (see his Persian History translated into French by Sir William Jones, tom. ii. p. 5, 6. 47, 48. 144-155.)

1 Omar is the name of the devil; his murderer is a saint. When the Persians shoot with the bow, they frequently cry, "May this arrow go to the heart of Omar!" (Voyages de Chardin, tom. ii. p. 239, 240. 259, &c.)

m This gradation of merit is distinctly marked in a creed illustrated by Reland; (de Relig. Mohamm. 1. i. p. 37.) and a Sonnite argument inserted by Ockley. (Hist. of the Saracens, tom. ii. p. 230.) The prac tice of cursing the memory of Ali was abolished, after forty years, by the Ommiades themselves; (D'Herbelot, p. 690.) and there are few among the Turks who presume to revile him as an infidel. (Voyages de Chardin, tom. iv. p. 46.)

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