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yoke of the Arabian prophet. Within fifty years | provoked or justified by the recent victories and inafter the expulsion of the Greeks,

A. D. 749.

A. D. 837.

A. D. 1053-1076.

a

a lieutenant of Africa informed the caliph that the tribute of the infidels was abolished by their conversion," and, though he sought to disguise his fraud and rebellion, his specious pretence was drawn from the rapid and extensive progress of the Mahometan faith. In the next age, an extraordinary mission of five bishops was detached from Alexandria to Cairoan. They were ordained by the Jacobite patriarch to cherish and revive the dying embers of christianity: " but the interposition of a foreign prelate, a stranger to the Latins, an enemy to the catholics, supposes the decay and dissolution of the African hierarchy. It was no longer the time when the successor of St. Cyprian, at the head of a numerous synod, could maintain an equal contest with the ambition of the Roman pontiff. In the eleventh century, the unfortunate priest who was seated on the ruins of Carthage, implored the alms and the protection of the Vatican; and he bitterly complains that his naked body had been scourged by the Saracens, and that his authority was disputed by the four suffragans, the tottering pillars of his throne. Two epistles of Gregory the seventh are destined to soothe the distress of the catholics and the pride of a Moorish prince. The pope assures the sultan that they both worship the same God, and may hope to meet in the bosom of Abraham; but the complaint, that three bishops could no longer be found to consecrate a brother, announces the speedy and inevitable ruin of the episcopal order. The christians of Africa and and Spain, A. D. 1149, &c. Spain had long since submitted to the practice of circumcision and the legal abstinence from wine and pork; and the name of Mozarabese (adoptive Arabs) was applied to their civil or religious conformity. About the middle of the twelfth century the worship of Christ and the succession of pastors were abolished along the coast of Barbary, and in the kingdoms of Cordova and Seville, of Valencia and Grenada. The throne of the Almohades, or Unitarians, was founded on the blindest fanaticism, and their extrordinary rigour might be

The letter of Abdoulrahman, governor or tyrant of Africa, to the caliph Aboul Abbas, the first of the Abbassides, is dated A. H. 132. (Cardonne, Hist. de l'Afrique et de l'Espagne, tom. i. p. 168.)

a Bibliotheque Orientale, p. 66. Renaudot, Hist. Patriarch. Alex. p. 287, 288.

b Among the Epistles of the Popes, see Leo IX. epist. 3. Gregor. VII. I. i. epist. 22, 23. I. iii. epist. 19, 20, 21; and the criticisms of Pagi, (tom. iv. A. D. 1053, No. 14. A. D. 1073, No. 13.) who investigates the name and family of the Moorish prince, with whom the proudest of the Roman pontiffs so politely corresponds.

Mozarabes, or Mostarabes, adscititii, as it is interpreted in Latin. (Pocock, Specimen Hist. Arabum, p. 39, 40. Bibliot. Arabico-Hispana, tom. ii. p. 18.) The Mozarabic liturgy, the ancient ritual of the church of Toledo, has been attacked by the popes, and exposed to the doubt. ful trials of the sword and of fire. (Marian. Hist. Hispan. tom. i. 1. ix. c. 18. p. 378.) It was, or rather it is, in the Latin tongue; yet in the eleventh century it was found necessary (A. Æ. C. 1687. A. D. 1039.) to transcribe an Arabic version of the canons of the councils of Spain, (Bibliot. Arab. Hist. tom. i. p. 547.) for the use of the bishops and clergy in the Moorish kingdoms.

d About the middle of the tenth century, the clergy of Cordova_was reproached with this criminal compliance, by the intrepid envoy of the emperor Otho I. (Vit. Johan, Gorz, in Secul. Benedict. V. No. 115. apud Fleury, Hist. Eccles, tom. xii. p. 91.)

e Pagi, Critica, tom. iv. A. D. 1149, No. 8, 9. He justly observes, that when Seville, &c. were retaken by Ferdinand of Castille, no chris. tians, except captives, were found in the place; and that the

tolerant zeal of the princes of Sicily and Castille, of Arragon and Portugal. The faith of the Mozarabes was occasionally revived by the A. D. 1535. papal missionaries; and, on the landing of Charles the fifth, some families of Latin christians were encouraged to rear their heads at Tunis and Algiers. But the seed of the gospel was quickly eradicated, and the long province from Tripoli to the Atlantic has lost all memory of the language and religion of Rome.

After the revolution of eleven cen- Toleration of turies, the Jews and christians of the the christians. Turkish empire enjoy the liberty of conscience which was granted by the Arabian caliphs. During the first age of the conquest, they suspected the loyalty of the catholics, whose name of Melchites betrayed their secret attachment to the Greek emperor, while the Nestorians and Jacobites, his inveterate enemies, approved themselves the sincere and voluntary friends of the Mahometan government.s Yet this partial jealousy was healed by time and submission: the churches of Egypt were shared with the catholics; and all the oriental sects were included in the common benefits of toleration. The rank, the immunities, the domestic jurisdiction, of the patriarchs, the bishops, and the clergy, were protected by the civil magistrate: the learning of individuals recommended them to the employments of secretaries and physicians: they were enriched by the lucrative collection of the revenue: and their merit was sometimes raised to the command of cities and provinces. A caliph of the house of Abbas was heard to declare that the christians were most worthy of trust in the administration of Persia. "The Moslems," said he, "will abuse their present fortune; the Magians regret their fallen greatness; and the Jews are impatient for their approaching deliverance." But the slaves of desTheir hardships. potism are exposed to the alternatives of favour and disgrace. The captive churches of the east have been afflicted in every age by the avarice or bigotry of their rulers; and the ordinary and legal restraints must be offensive to the pride, or the zeal, of the christians.k About two hundred Mozarabic churches of Africa and Spain, described by James à Vitriaco, A. D. 1218, (Hist. Hierosol. c. 80. 1095. in Gest. Dei per Francos,) are copied from some older book. I shall add, that the date of the Hegira 677. (A. D. 1278.) must apply to the copy, not the composition, of a treatise of jurisprudence, which states the civil rights of the christians of Cordova, (Bibliot. Arab. Hist. tom. i. p. 471.) and that the Jews were the only dissenters whom Abul Waled, king of Grenada, (A. D. 1313.) could either discountenance or tolerate. (tom. ii. p. 288.)

f Renaudot, Hist. Patriarch. Alex. p. 288. Leo Africanus would have flattered his Roman masters, could he have discovered any latent relics of the christianity of Africa.

g Absit (said the catholic to the vizir of Bagdad) ut pari loco habeas Nestorianos, quorum præter Arabas nullus alius rex est, et Græcos quorum reges amovendo Arabibus bello non desistunt, &c. See in the Collections of Assemannus (Bibliot. Orient. tom. iv. p. 94-101.) the state of the Nestorians under the caliphs. That of the Jacobites is more concisely exposed in the Preliminary Dissertation of the second volume of Assemannus.

b Eutych. Annal. tom. ii. p. 384. 387, 388. Renaudot, Hist. Patriarch. Alex. p. 205, 206 257. 332. A taint of the Monothelite heresy might render the first of these Greek patriarchs less loyal to the emperors and less obnoxious to the Arabs.

i Motadhed, who had reigned from A. D. 892-902. The Magians still held their name and rank among the religions of the empire. (Assemanni, Bibliot. Orient. tom. iv. p. 97.)

k Reland explains the general restraints of the Mahometan policy

A. D. 718.

CHAP. LII.

The two sieges of Constantinople by the Arabs.Their invasion of France, and defeat by Charles Martel.-Civil war of the Ommiades and Abbassides.-Learning of the Arabs.-Luxury of the caliphs.-Naval enterprises on Crete, Sicily, and Rome. Decay and division of the empire of the caliphs.-Defeats and victories of the Greek

emperors.

The limits of

the Arabian conquests.

years after Mahomet, they were separated from their | obedience that pervaded the government of Augusfellow-subjects by a turban or girdle of a less ho- tus and the Antonines; but the progress of the nourable colour; instead of horses or mules, they Mahometan religion diffused over this ample space were condemned to ride on asses, in the attitude of a general resemblance of manners and opinions. women. Their public and private buildings were The language and laws of the Koran were studied measured by a diminutive standard; in the streets with equal devotion at Samarcand and Seville: the or the baths it is their duty to give way or bow down Moor and the Indian embraced as countrymen and before the meanest of the people; and their testi- brothers in the pilgrimage of Mecca; and the mony is rejected, if it may tend to the prejudice of Arabian language was adopted as the popular idiom a true believer. The pomp of processions, the sound in all the provinces to the westward of the Tigris." of bells or of psalmody, is interdicted in their worship: a decent reverence for the national faith is imposed on their sermons and conversations; and the sacrilegious attempt to enter a mosch, or to seduce a mussulman, will not be suffered to escape with impunity. In a time, however, of tranquillity and justice the christians have never been compelled to renounce the gospel, or to embrace the Koran; but the punishment of death is inflicted upon the apostates who have professed and deserted the law of Mahomet. The martyrs of Cordova provoked the sentence of the cadhi, by the public confession of their inconstancy, or their passionate invectives against the person and religion of the prophet.' At the end of the first century of the The empire of the caliphs, Hegira, the caliphs were the most potent and absolute monarchs of the globe. Their prerogative was not circumscribed, either in right or in fact, by the power of the nobles, the freedom of the commons, the privileges of the church, the votes of a senate, or the memory of a free constitution. The authority of the companions of Mahomet expired with their lives; and the chiefs or emirs of the Arabian tribes left behind, in the desert, the spirit of equality and independence. The regal and sacerdotal characters were united in the successors of Mahomet; and if the Koran was the rule of their actions, they were the supreme judges and interpreters of that divine book. They reigned by the right of conquest over the nations of the east, to whom the name of liberty was unknown, and who were accustomed to applaud in their tyrants the acts of violence and severity that were exercised at their own expense. Under the last of the Ommiades, the Arabian empire extended two hundred days' journey from east to west, from the confines of Tartary and India to the shores of the Atlantic ocean. And if we retrench the sleeve of the robe, as it is styled by their writers, the long and narrow province of Africa, the solid and compact dominion from Fargana to Aden, from Tarsus to Surat, will spread on every side to the measure of four or five months of the march of a caravan. We should vainly seek the indissoluble union and easy and jurisprudence. (Dissertat. tom. iii. p. 16-20.) The oppressive edicts of the caliph Motawakkel, (A. D. 847–861.) which are still in force, are noticed by Eutychius (Annal. tom. ii. p. 448.) and D'Herbe. lot. (Bibliot. Orient. p. 640.) A persecution of the caliph Omar II. is related, and most probably magnified, by the Greek Theophanes. (Chron. p. 334.)

1 The martyrs of Cordova, (A. D. 850, &c.) are commemorated and justified by St. Eulogius, who at length fell a victim himself. A synod, convened by the caliphi, ambiguously censured their rashness. The moderate Fleury cannot reconcile their conduct with the discipline of antiquity, toutefois l'autorité de l'eglise, &c. (Fleury, Hist. Eccles. tom. x. p. 415-522. particularly p. 451. 508, 509.) Their authentic

WHEN the Arabs first issued from the
desert, they must have been surprised
at the ease and rapidity of their own
success. But when they advanced in the career
of victory to the banks of the Indus and the sum-
mit of the Pyrenees; when they had repeatedly
tried the edge of their scymitars and the energy of
their faith, they might be equally astonished that
any nation could resist their invincible arms, that
any boundary should confine the dominion of the
successor of the prophet. The confidence of soldiers
and fanatics may indeed be excused, since the calm
historian of the present hour, who strives to follow
the rapid course of the Saracens, must study to
explain by what means the church and state were
saved from this impending, and, as it should seem,
from this inevitable, danger. The deserts of Scythia
and Sarmatia might be guarded by their extent,
their climate, their poverty, and the courage of the
northern shepherds; China was remote and inac-
cessible: but the greatest part of the temperate zone
was subject to the Mahometan conquerors, the
Greeks were exhausted by the calamities of war and
the loss of their fairest provinces, and the barbarians
of Europe might justly tremble at the precipitate
fall of the Gothic monarchy. In this inquiry I shall
unfold the events that rescued our ancestors of
Britain, and our neighbours of Gaul, from the civil
and religious yoke of the Koran; that protected the
majesty of Rome, and delayed the servitude of
Constantinople; that invigorated the defence of the
acts throw a strong, though transient, light on the Spanish church in
the ninth century.

m See the article Eslamiah, (as we say Christendom) in the Bibliotheque Orientale, (p. 325.) This chart of the Mahometan world is suited by the author, Ebn Alwardi, to the year of the Hegira 385. (A. D. 995.) Since that time, the losses in Spain have been overbalanced by the conquests in India, Tartary, and the European Turkey.

n The Arabic of the Koran is taught as a dead language in the college of Mecca. By the Danish traveller, this ancient idiom is compared to the Latin; the vulgar tongue of Hejaz and Yemen to the Italian; and the Arabian dialects of Syria, Egypt, Africa, &c. to the Provençal, Spanish, and Portuguese. (Niebuhr, Description de l'Arabie, p. 74, &c.)

christians, and scattered among their enemies the seeds of division and decay.

First siege of Constantinople by the Arabs,

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after keeping the sea from the month of April to that of September, on the approach of winter they Forty-six years after the flight of retreated fourscore miles from the capital, to the Mahomet from Mecca, his disciples isle of Cyzicus, in which they had established their A. D. 668-675. appeared in arms under the walls of magazine of spoil and provisions. So patient was Constantinople. They were animated by a genuine their perseverance, or so languid were their operor fictitious saying of the prophet, that, to the first ations, that they repeated in the six following sumarmy which besieged the city of the Cæsars, their mers the same attack and retreat, with a gradual sins were forgiven: the long series of Roman tri- abatement of hope and vigour, till the mischances umphs would be meritoriously transferred to the of shipwreck and disease, of the sword and of fire, conquerors of New Rome; and the wealth of nations compelled them to relinquish the fruitless enterwas deposited in this well-chosen seat of royalty prise. They might bewail the loss, or commcmoand commerce. No sooner had the caliph Moa- rate the martyrdom, of thirty thousand Moslems, wiyah suppressed his rivals and established his who fell in the siege of Constantinople; and the throne, than he aspired to expiate the guilt of civil solemn funeral of Abu Ayub, or Job, excited the blood, by the success and glory of this holy expe- curiosity of the christians themselves. That venerdition; his preparations by sea and land, were able Arab, one of the last of the companions of adequate to the importance of the object; his | Mahomet, was numbered among the ansars, or standard was intrusted to Sophian, a veteran war- auxiliaries, of Medina, who sheltered the head of rior, but the troops were encouraged by the example the flying prophet. In his youth he fought, at and presence of Yezid, the son and presumptive Beder and Ohud, under the holy standard: in his heir of the commander of the faithful. The Greeks mature age he was the friend and follower of Ali; had little to hope, nor had their enemies any rea- and the last remnant of his strength and life was sons of fear, from the courage and vigilance of the consumed in a distant and dangerous war against reigning emperor, who disgraced the name of Con- the enemies of the Koran. His memory was reverstantine, and imitated only the inglorious years of ed; but the place of his burial was neglected and his grandfather Heraclius. Without delay or op- unknown, during a period of seven hundred and position, the naval forces of the Saracens passed eighty years, till the conquest of Constantinople by through the unguarded channel of the Hellespont, Mahomet the second. A seasonable vision (for which even now, under the feeble and disorderly such are the manufacture of every religion) revealed government of the Turks, is maintained as the the holy spot at the foot of the walls and the bottom natural bulwark of the capital. The Arabian fleet of the harbour; and the mosch of Ayub has been cast anchor, and the troops were disembarked near deservedly chosen for the simple and martial inauthe palace of Hebdomon, seven miles from the city. | guration of the Turkish sultans.d During many days, from the dawn of light to the evening, the line of assault was extended from the golden gate to the eastern promontory, and the foremost warriors were impelled by the weight and effort of the succeeding columns. But the besiegers had formed an insufficient estimate of the strength and resources of Constantinople. The solid and lofty walls were guarded by numbers and discipline the spirit of the Romans was rekindled by the last danger of their religion and empire: the fugitives from the conquered provinces more successfully renewed the defence of Damascus and Alexandria; and the Saracens were dismayed by the strange and prodigious effects of artificial fire. This firm and effectual resistance diverted their arms to the more easy attempts of plundering the European and Asiatic coasts of the Propontis: and,

a Theophanes places the seven years of the siege of Constantinople in the year of our christian æra 673. (of the Alexandrian 665, Sept. 1.) and the peace of the Saracens, four years afterwards; a glaring incon. sistency which Petavius, Goar, and Pagi, (Critica, tom. iv. p. 63, 64.) have struggled to remove. Of the Arabians, the Hegira 52. (A. D. 672. January 8.) is assigned by Elmacin, the year 48. (A. D. 668, Feb. 20.) by Abulfeda, whose testimony I esteem the most convenient and creditable.

b For this first siege of Constantinople, see Nicephorus; (Breviar. p. 21, 22.) Theophanes; (Chronograph. p. 294.) Cedrenus; (Compend. p. 437.) Zonaras; (Hist. tom. ii. 1. xiv. p. 89.) Elmacin; (Hist. Saracen. p. 56, 57.) Abulfeda; (Annal. Moslem. p. 107, 108. vers. Reiske ;) D'Her. belot; (Bibliot. Orient. Constantinah;) Ockley's History of the Saracens, vol. ii. p. 127, 128.

The state and defence of the Dardanelles is exposed in the Memoires of the Baron de Tott, (tom, iii. p. 39-97.) who was sent to fortify them

Peace and tribute, A. D. 677.

The event of the siege revived, both in the east and west, the reputation of the Roman arms, and cast a momentary shade over the glories of the Saracens. The Greek ambassador was favourably received at Damascus, in a general council of the emirs or Koreish a peace, or truce, of thirty years was ratified between the two empires; and the stipulation of an annual tribute, fifty horses of a noble breed, fifty slaves, and three thousand pieces of gold, degraded the majesty of the commander of the faithful. The aged caliph was desirous of possessing his dominions, and ending his days, in tranquillity and repose: while the Moors and Indians trembled at his name, his palace and city of Damascus was insulted by the Mardaites, or Maronites, of Mount Libanus, the firmest

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barrier of the empire, till they were disarmed and transplanted by the suspicious policy of the Greeks.' After the revolt of Arabia and Persia, the house of Ommiyah was reduced to the kingdoms of Syria and Egypt: their distress and fear enforced their compliance with the pressing demands of the christians; and the tribute was increased to a slave, a horse, and a thousand pieces of gold, for each of the three hundred and sixty-five days of the solar year. But as soon as the empire was again united by the arms and policy of Abdalmalek, he disclaimed a badge of servitude not less injurious to his conscience than to his pride; he discontinued the payment of the tribute; and the resentment of the Greeks was disabled from action by the mad tyranny of the second Justinian, the just rebellion of his subjects, and the frequent change of his antagonists and successors. Till the reign of Abdalmalek, the Saracens had been content with the free possession of the Persian and Roman treasures, in the coin of Chosroes and Cæsar. By the command of that caliph, a national mint was established, both for silver and gold; and the inscription of the dinar, though it might be censured by some timorous casuists, proclaimed the unity of the God of Mahomet.h Under the reign of the caliph | Walid, the Greek language and characters were excluded from the accounts of the public revenue.i If this change was productive of the invention or familiar use of our present numerals, the Arabic or Indian cyphers, as they are commonly styled, a regulation of office has promoted the most important discoveries of arithmetic, algebra, and the mathematical sciences.*

Whilst the caliph Walid sat idle on Second siege of Constantinople, the throne of Damascus, while his A. D. 716–718. lieutenants achieved the conquest of Transoxiana and Spain, a third army of Saracens overspread the provinces of Asia Minor, and approached the borders of the Byzantine capital. But the attempt and disgrace of the second siege was reserved for his brother Soliman, whose ambition appears to have been quickened by a more active and martial spirit. In the revolutions of the Greek empire, after the tyrant Justinia had been punished and avenged, an humble secretary, Anastasius or Artemius, was promoted by chance or merit to the vacant purple. He was

f The censure of Theophanes is just and pointed, την 'Ρωμαϊκήν δυναςείαν ακρωτηρίασας . . . . πανδεινα κακα πεπονθεν ἡ Ρωμανία TO TV Apaẞov μexрi тov vvv. (Chronograph. p. 302, 303.) The series of these events may be traced in the Annals of Theophanes, and in the Abridgment of the Patriarch Nicephorus, p. 22-24.

g These domestic revolutions are related in a clear and natural style, in the second volume of Ockley's History of the Saracens, p. 253-370. Besides our printed authors, he draws his materials from the Arabic MSS. of Oxford, which he would have more deeply searched, had he been confined to the Bodleian library instead of the city jail; a fate how unworthy of the man and of his country!

h Elmacin, who dates the first coinage A. H. 76. A. D. 695. five or six years later than the Greek historians, has compared the weight of the best or common gold dinar, to the drachm or dirhem of Egypt, (p. 77.) which may be equal to two pennies (48 grains) of our Troy weight, (Hooper's Inquiry into Ancient Measures, p. 24--36.) and equivalent to eight shillings of our sterling money. From the same Elmacin and the Arabian physicians, some dinars as high as two dirhems, as low as half a dirhem, may be deduced. The piece of silver was the dirhem, both in value and weight; but an old, though fair coin, struck at Waset, A. H. 88. and preserved in the Bodleian library, wants four

He

alarmed by the sound of war; and his ambassador returned from Damascus with the tremendous news, that the Saracens were preparing an armament by sea and land, such as would transcend the experience of the past, or the belief of the present, age. The precautions of Anastasius were not unworthy of his station, or of the impending danger. issued a peremptory mandate, that all persons who were not provided with the means of subsistence for a three years' siege, should evacuate the city : the public granaries and arsenals were abundantly replenished; the walls were restored and strengthened; and the engines for casting stones, or darts, or fire, were stationed along the ramparts, or in the brigantines of war, of which an additional number was hastily constructed. To prevent is safer, as well as more honourable, than to repel an attack; and a design was meditated, above the usual spirit of the Greeks, of burning the naval stores of the enemy, the cypress timber that had been hewn in Mount Libanus, and was piled along the sea-shore of Phoenicia, for the service of the Egyptian fleet. This generous enterprise was defeated by the cowardice or treachery of the troops, who, in the new language of the empire, were styled of the obsequian theme. They murdered their chief, deserted their standard in the isle of Rhodes, dispersed themselves over the adjacent continent, and deserved pardon or reward by investing with the purple a simple officer of the revenue. The name of Theodosius might recommend him to the senate and people; but, after some months, he sunk into a cloister, and resigned, to the firmer hand of Leo the Isaurian, the urgent defence of the capital and empire. The most formidable of the Saracens, Moslemah, the brother of the caliph, was advancing at the head of one hundred and twenty thousand Arabs and Persians, the greater part mounted on horses or camels; and the successful sieges of Tyana, Amorium, and Pergamus, were of sufficient duration to exercise their skill and to elevate their hopes. At the well-known passage of Abydus, on the Hellespont, the Mahometan arms were transported, for the first time, from Asia to Europe. From thence, wheeling round the Thracian cities of the Propontis, Moslemah invested Constantinople on the land side, surrounded his camp with a ditch and rampart, prepared and planted his en

grains of the Cairo standard. (See the Modern Univ. History, tom. i. p. 548. of the French translation.)

1 Και εκώλυσε γράφεσθαι ἑλληνίζι τους δημοσίους των λογοθεσιών κωδικας, αλλ' Αραβίοις αυτα παρασημαινέσθαι χωρις των ψήφων, επειδη αδύνατον τῇ εκείνων γλώσση μονάδα, η δυάδα, η τριάδα, η οκτω havn тpia yрapertai. Theophau. Chronograph. p. 314. This defect, if it really existed, must have stimulated the ingenuity of the Arabs to invent or borrow.

k According to a new, though probable, notion, maintained by M. de Villoison, (Anecdota Græca, tom. ii. p. 152-157.) our cyphers are not of Indian or Arabic invention. They were used by the Greek 'and Latin arithmeticians long before the age of Boethius. After the extinction of science in the west, they were adopted by the Arabic versions from the original MSS. and restored to the Latins about the eleventh century.

1 In the division of the themes, or provinces described by Constantine Porphyrogenitus, (de Thematibus, 1. i. p. 9, 10.) the obsequium, a Latin appellation of the army and palace, was the fourth in the public order. Nice was the metropolis, and its jurisdiction extended from the Hellespont over the adjacent parts of Bithynia and Phrygia. (See the two maps prefixed by Delisle to the Imperium Orientale of Banduri.)

gines of assault, and declared, by words and actions, | favour; and their distress was relieved by the

a patient resolution of expecting the return of seed-time and harvest, should the obstinacy of the besieged prove equal to his own. The Greeks would gladly have ransomed their religion and empire, by a fine or assessment of a piece of gold on the head of each inhabitant of the city; but the ❘ liberal offer was rejected with disdain, and the presumption of Moslemah was exalted by the speedy approach and invincible force of the navies of Egypt and Syria. They are said to have amounted to eighteen hundred ships: the number betrays their inconsiderable size; and of the twenty stout and capacious vessels, whose magnitude impeded their progress, each was manned with no more than one hundred heavy-armed soldiers. This huge armada proceeded on a smooth sea, and with a gentle gale, towards the mouth of the Bosphorus; the surface of the strait was overshadowed, in the language of the Greeks, with a moving forest, and the same fatal night had been fixed by the Saracen chief for a general assault by sea and land. To allure the confidence of the enemy, the emperor had thrown aside the chain that usually guarded the entrance of the harbour; but while they hesitated whether they should seize the opportunity, or apprehend the snare, the ministers of destruction were at hand. The fireships of the Greeks were launched against them, the Arabs, their arms, and vessels, were involved in the same flames, the disorderly fugitives were dashed against each other or overwhelmed in the waves; and I no longer find a vestige of the fleet, that had threatened to extirpate the Roman name. A still more fatal and irreparable loss was that of the caliph Soliman, who died of an indigestion in his camp near Kinnisrin or Chalcis in Syria, as he was preparing to lead against Constantinople the remaining forces of the east. The brother of Moslemah was succeeded by a kinsman and an enemy; and the throne of an active and able prince was degraded by the useless and pernicious virtues of a bigot. While he started and satisfied the scruples of a blind conscience, the siege was continued through the winter by the neglect, rather than by the resolution, of the caliph Omar." The winter proved uncommonly rigorous: above a hundred days the ground was covered with deep snow, and the natives of the sultry climes of Egypt and Arabia lay torpid and almost lifeless in their frozen camp. They revived on the return of spring; a second effort had been made in their

m

m The caliph had emptied two baskets of eggs and of figs, which he swallowed alternately, and the repast was concluded with marrow and sugar. In one of his pilgrimages to Mecca, Soliman ate, at a single meal, seventy pomegranates, a kid, six fowls, and a huge quantity of the grapes of Tayef. If the bill of fare be correct, we must admire the appetite, rather than the luxury, of the sovereign of Asia. (Abulfeda, Annal. Moslem. p. 126)

n See the article of Omar Ben Abdalaziz, in the Bibliotheque Orien. tale, (p. 689, 690.) præferens, says Elmacin, (p. 91.) religionem suam rebus suis mundanis. He was so desirous of being with God, that he would not have anointed his ear (his own saying) to obtain a perfect cure of his last malady. The caliph had only one shirt, and in an age of luxury, his annual expense was no more than two drachms. (Abulpharagius, p. 131.) Haud diu gavisus eo principe fuit orbis Moslemus. (Abulfeda, p. 127.)

• Both Nicephorus and Theophanes agree that the siege of Constantinople was raised the 15th of August; (A. D. 718.) but as the former,

arrival of two numerous fleets, laden with corn, and arms, and soldiers; the first from Alexandria, of four hundred transports and galleys; the second of three hundred and sixty vessels from the ports of Africa. But the Greek fires were again kindled, and if the destruction was less complete, it was owing to the experience which had taught the Moslems to remain at a safe distance, or to the perfidy of the Egyptian mariners, who deserted with their ships to the emperor of the christians. The trade and navigation of the capital were restored; and the produce of the fisheries supplied the wants, and even the luxury, of the inhabitants. But the calamities of famine and disease were soon felt by the troops of Moslemah, and as the former was miserably assuaged, so the latter was dreadfully propagated, by the pernicious nutriment which hunger compelled them to extract from the most unclean or unnatural food. The spirit of conquest, and even of enthusiasm, was extinct: the Saracens could no longer straggle beyond their lines, either single or in small parties, without exposing themselves to the merciless retaliation of the Thracian peasants. An army of Bulgarians was attracted from the Danube by the gifts and promises of Leo; and these savage auxiliaries made some atonement for the evils which they had inflicted on the empire, by the defeat and slaughter of twenty-two thousand Asiatics. A report was dexterously scattered, that the Franks, the unknown nations of the Latin world, were arming by sea and land in the defence of the christian cause, and their formidable aid was expected with far different sensations in the camp and city. At length, after a siege of thirteen months, the hopeless Moslemah Failure and rereceived from the caliph the welcome treat of the Sarapermission of retreat. The march of the Arabian cavalry over the Hellespont and through the provinces of Asia, was executed without delay or molestation; but an army of their brethren had been cut in pieces on the side of Bithynia, and the remains of the fleet were so repeatedly damaged by the tempest and fire, that only five galleys entered the port of Alexandria to relate the tale of their various and almost incredible disasters.P

cens.

use of the Greek fire.

In the two sieges, the deliverance Invention and of Constantinople may be chiefly ascribed to the novelty, the terrors, and the real efficacy of the Greek fire. The important

our best witness, affirms that it continued thirteen months, the latter must be mistaken in supposing that it began on the same day of the preceding year. I do not find that Pagi has remarked this inconsistency.

P In the second siege of Constantinople, I have followed Nicephorus, (Brev. p. 33-36.) Theophanes, (Chronograph. p. 324–334.) Cedrenus, (Compend. p. 449-452) Zonaras, (tom. ii. p. 98-102) Elmacin, (Hist. Saracen. p. 88.) Abulfeda, (Annal. Moslem. p. 126.) and Abulpharagius, (Dynast. p. 130.) the most satisfactory of the Arabs.

q Our sure and indefatigable guide in the middle ages and Byzantine history, Charles du Fresne du Cange, has treated in several places of the Greek fire, and his collections leave few gleanings behind. See particularly Glossar. Med. et Infim. Græcitat. p. 1275. sub voce Ilvp Waλaoσiov, vypov. Glossar. Med. et Iufim. Latinitat. Ignus Græcus. Observations sur Villehardouin, p. 305, 306. Observations sur Joinville, p. 71, 72.

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