These two items alone, constituted the whole difference referred to.

The expenditure through the war department, comprehended various expenses besides those of the army, such as fortifications, pensions, Indian affairs, and internal improvements. Only a small portion of those expenses were within the discretion of the department; the larger part were directed by law.

According to a synopsis of three successive periods, of three years each, there appeared to be a tendency to increased economy in the first class. The gross expenditures of the two periods between which a comparison was instituted by the majority, showed an apparent result against the present administration, amounting to $1,627,175.

Of this sum, however, $801,216 were composed of additions to the sums annually appropriated to fortifications during this administration, beyond what had been appropriated during the same period under Mr. Monroe.

Another item of $500,000 appropriated for extinguishing the Creek title to lands within the limits of Georgia, formed another portion of the excess, and the residue was composed of augmented appropriations for arming the fortifications;

erecting arsenals; extending the Cumberland road, &c. These items, growing out of positive legislation, together with an addition to the pay of captains and subalterns, by act of congress, relieve the department from the responsibility of the augmentation of expenditure, and show that it was caused by causes beyond its control.

Respecting the expenses of the legislative department of the government, while the minority were convinced that they have increased in a greater proportion than those of the executive, they did not conclude that this increase was caused by want of economy.

No doubt was entertained that it would be desirable to shorten the sessions, and to reduce the expense of public printing. Still these topics were so intimately connected with the public business, a part of which was always left unfinished by congress, that they were unwilling, hastily, to suggest a remedy.

The minority in conclusion observed, that some of the topics commented upon in the report, were new topics introduced in that general report, which was submitted to them, for the first time, the morning of the 15th of May, and that, having no previous notice of those matters, they had prepared no explanation.

These reports, of which six thousand copies were ordered by the house to be printed, for distribution

among their constituents, brought the question directly before the public, for its decision. On one side, the augmented expenditure of the government was relied on, to prove the extravagance of the administration; and, on the other, this increase was shown, to be a neces. sary result of the policy deliberate. ly adopted by the nation. The continuance of this policy was, therefore, properly the question to be decided; but so much of personal predeliction and sectional prejudice entered into the contest, that this question, the real one in issue, was not fairly tried. While those who opposed the policy, united in overturning an administration, which had carried it into effect to the extent of its means; its advocates suffered themselves to be divided by other topics, which were skilfully introduced with the view of disuniting them.

Some of those topics have been enumerated in the commencement of this chapter. Others were introduced, tending still more to inflame the public mind, and to prevent it from expressing an unbiassed judgment upon continuing the existing policy of the country. In the excited state of popular feeling, the character and services of both candidates were overlooked; and even congress, in more instances than one, by a party vote, manifested that it had forgotten that some respect was due to the high

and honourable station held by one of the candidates.

The example thus given by men, from whose character and station better things might have been expected, was not without its effect upon the community. In conducting the political discussions, which followed the adjournment of congress, both truth and propriety were set at defiance. The decencies of private life were disregarded; conversations and correspon⚫ dence, which should have been confidential, were brought before the public eye; the ruthless warfare was carried into the bosom of domestic life; neither age nor sex were spared; the daily press teem. ed with ribaldry and falsehood; and even the tomb was not held sacred from the rancorous hostility which distinguished the party warfare of the presidential election of 1828.

Judging from the public press, no one could have deemed that one of the candidates was a gallant and successful soldier, who had, with unequalled self-devotion and pa. triotism, rendered to his country important services in the field, and that he had, on various occasions, manifested rare qualities of decision, firmness, and sagacity-that the other was the chief magistrate of the Union; a man of extraordinary talents and learning, of tried patriotism, of blameless morals, and unimpeachable integrity, and whose whole life had been devoted to ren

from the different departments to congress. The message was a concise and masterly account of the condition of the country. It was not sullied by any allusion to the past contest, nor by any reference to the motives or conduct of his opponents. It recommended to congress the different subjects, which, in the opinion of the President, required the attention of that body, and concluded by an expression of his continued wish for the adoption of the measures for merly recommended by him. The contest being over, the business of congress was transacted with less interruption from political discus. sions than usual, and this session was characterized by greater freedom from party asperity, than the last. On the third of March, the President having previously left the government palace, relinquished the executive powers; and the oath of office being administered by the Chief Justice, to Gen. Jackson, he entered upon the administration of the government of the United States.

Thus terminated the administra. tion of John Quincy Adams; and whatever opinion may be entertained of its policy, and its tendency, it cannot be denied that its character was marked and definite; and that it exercised a strong influence upon the interests of the country. The merits and demerits of his policy were positive, and not negative. Certain

definite objects were proposed as desirable, and the energies of the government were directed towards their attainment.

The United States, during this administration, enjoyed uninterrupted peace; and the foreign policy of the government had only in view the maintenance of the dignity of the national character; the extension of its commercial relations; and the successful prosecution of the claims of American citizens upon foreign governments.

A portion of these claims upon Sweden and Denmark, was obtained, and the claims which arose against the Brazilian government, during the war between that power and Buenos Ayres, were speedily adjusted by the liquidation of the claims. The exorbitant pretensions of Great Britain, respecting the West India trade, were resisted, although at the expense of the direct trade between the United States and the British islands.

The difficulties which occurred in carrying into effect the treaty of Ghent, relative to deported slaves, and other property taken away, having been found insurmountable, the sum of $1,204,960, which was amply sufficient, was obtained from the British government in satisfac. tion of these claims. A convention was also concluded with that government, and a mode provided for the peaceable settlement of the long pending, and finally threat.