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regions of the world? In the life of Daniel O'Connell I find a refutation of the charges preferred against him. Do you think that the man who aimed at a revolution would repudiate the assistance of France? Do you think that the man who was anxious for a revolution would denounce the infamous system of slavery by which the great transatlantic Republic, to her everlasting shame, permits herself to be degraded? But, to come nearer home, do you think that a man with such purposes as have been attributed to him by the Attorney General, would spurn at all connexion with the Chartists in England? A confederation between the English Chartists and the Irish Repealers would have been formidable. Chartism uses its utmost and most clandestine efforts to find its way into Ireland; O'Connell detects and denounces it. Of the charges that are made against him, does not then his whole life contain the refutation? To the accusation that Mr. O'Connell and his son conspired to excite animosity amongst Her Majesty's subjects, my last observation is more peculiarly applicable. The only remaining topic to which I shall advert is, the charge to create hostility amongst Her Majesty's subjects. In all the speeches and publications with which Mr. O'Connell is alleged to be connected, can you show me a single phrase which contains the slightest reflection on the Protestant religion? God knows we and our creed are too often made the subject of vituperation. Men speak of our religion as idolatrous, and of our clergy as surpliced ruffians-we feel no resentment. Mr. O'Connell believes firmly in his religion, and does his best to practise it. That religion teaches him two things: one to entertain feelings of charity towards those who dissent from him-the other to forgive those who do him wrong. It is from incidents which seem comparatively of small importance, that a man's character may be often estimated. You recollect a reference having been made two or three times in the course of the evidence, to Sir Abraham Bradley King. He was Mr. O'Connell's political, almost his personal enemy. Poor man! he was deprived of his office, and the Whig Government had determined to deprive him of all compensation. I often saw him standing in the lobby of the House of Commons, a most forlorn and wretched man. The only one of his old friends who stuck to him was Baron Lefroy. But Baron Lefroy had no interest with the Government. Mr. O'Connell, struck with pity for his misfortunes, went to Lord Althorp, pleaded his cause, and obtained the compensation which had been refused him. I remembered a letter written by him to Mr. O'Connell. I went to him and asked for it. He could not at first put his hand upon it, but while looking for it he told me, that soon after the death of Sir Abraham Bradley King, an officer entered his study, and told him he was the Alderman's son-in-law. He said: "a short tmie before his death, Sir Abraham called me to his bed-side, and gave me this "injunction, when I am buried go to Dublin, wait on Mr. O'Con"nell, and tell him, that in the last moments of my life I recollected "his kindness; and that I prayed in my last prayer that all good "fortune should attend him, and that every peril should be averted

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"Barrett's Hotel, Spring Gardens, “4th August, 1834.

"VERY DEAR SIR,-The anxious wish for a satisfactory termina"tion of my cause, which your continued and unwearied efforts for "it have ever indicated, is at length accomplished. The vote of "compensation passed last night. To Mr. Lefroy and to yourself "am I indebted, for putting the case in the right light; to my Lord "Althorp for his Lordship's considerate, candid, and straightfor"ward act, in giving me my just dues, and thus restoring myself and family to competence, case, and happiness.

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"To you, Sir, to whom I was early and long politically opposed "to you who, nobly forgetting this continued difference of opi"nion, and who, rejecting every idea of party feeling or of party "spirit, thought only of my distress, and sped to succour and support 66 me, how can I express my gratitude? I cannot attempt it. The "reward I feel is to be found only in your own breast; and I assure "myself that the generous feelings of a noble mind will cheer you "on to that prosperity and happiness which a discriminating Provi"dence holds out to those who protect the helpless and sustain the "falling.

"For such reward and happiness to you and your's my prayers "shall be offered fervently; while the remainder of my days, passing, "I trust, in tranquillity, by a complete retirement from public life, "and in the bosom of my family, will constantly present to me the "grateful recollection of one to whom I am mainly indebted for so "desirable a closing of my life.

"Believe me, my dear Sir, with the greatest respect and truth, "Your faithful Servant,

"ABRAHAM BRADLEY KING."

You may deprive of his liberty the man to whom that letter was addressed-you may deprive him of the sight of nature-you may bury him in a dungeon to which a ray of the sun has never yet descended, but you cannot take away from him the consciousness of having done a noble action-you cannot take away from him the right of kneeling down every night before he sleeps, and asking for forgiveness in the divinest part of his Redeemer's prayer. The man to whom that letter was addressed is not guilty the son of that man is not guilty of the intent ascribed to him, and of this he puts himself upon his country. Let that phrase be rescued from its technicality; let it be no longer a fictitious one. We have lost the representation of our country in the Parliament, let us find it in the jury box:-Let your verdict prove that in the feelings of millions of your countrymen, you participate. But it is not to Ireland that the aching solicitude with which the result of this trial is intently watched will be confined. There is not a great city in Europe in which,

upon the day when the great intelligence shall be expected to arrive, men will not stop each other in the public way, and inquire whether twelve Irishmen upon their oaths have doomed to incarceration the man who gave liberty to Ireland? Whatever may be your adjudication, he is prepared to meet it. He knows that the eyes of the world are upon him, and that posterity—whether in a gaol or out of it-will look back to him with admiration; he is almost indifferent to what may befal him, and is far more solicitous for others at this moment than for himself. But I at the commencement of what I have said to you, I told you that I was not unmoved, and that many incidents of my political life, the strange vicissitudes of fortune through which I have passed, came back upon me. But now:-the bare possibility at which I have glanced has, I acknowledge, almost unmanned me. Shall I, who stretch out to you in behalf of the son the hand whose fetters the father has struck off, live to cast my eyes upon that domicile of sorrow, in the vicinity of this great metropolis, and say: "Tis "there they have immured the Liberator of Ireland with his best and "best-beloved child." No! you will not consign my client, and the father of my client, to the spot to which the Attorney-General invokes you to deliver him. When the winter shall have passed, and the spring shall come again, it is not from the window of a prison-house that the father of such a son, and the son of such a father, shall look out on the green hills on which the eyes of so many a captive have gazed so wistfully in vain; but in their own mountain home, they shall listen again to the murmurs of the great Atlantic; on the hills where they were born they shall go forth together to inhale the freshness of the morning air; "they shall be free of mountain solitudes;" they shall be encompassed with images of liberty on every side; and if time shall have taken its suppleness from the father's knee, or shall have impaired the firmness of his tread, he shall, resting on the summit of some high place, lean upon his child-the child of one who looks down on him from heaven-and shall look far and wide into the land whose greatness and whose glory shall be for ever associated with his name. In your love of justice, in your love of Ireland, in your love of honesty and of fair play, I place my confidence. I ask for an acquittal, not only for the sake of your country, but for your own. Upon the day when this trial shall have been brought to a termination, when, amidst the hush of public expectancy, in answer to the solemn interrogatory which shall be put to you by the officer of the Court, you shall answer, "not guilty," with what a transport will that glorious negative be welcomed! How will you be blest, adored, worshipped; and when retiring from this scene of excitement and of passion, you shall return to your own tranquil homes, how pleasurably will you look upon your children, in the consciousness that you will have left them a patrimony of peace, by impressing upon the British cabinet, that some other measure besides a state prosecution is necessary for the pacification of your country.

Mr. Moore. My Lords, I certainly feel great difficulty in rising to address the Jury, after the speech which has just been made by

my learned friend; and I should be grateful to your Lordships not to call on me to address the Jury until Monday morning.

The LORD CHIEF JUSTICE. It is the desire of the Court to give you every indulgence; and unless the Attorney-General requires you to go on to-day, we shall adjourn until Monday.

The Attorney General. I should certainly think it very improper to interfere in any way with Mr. Moore.

MONDAY, JANUARY 29TH.

MR. MOORE then addressed the Court.

My Lords, and Gentlemen of the Jury,

In this case I am counsel on behalf of one of the traversers, the Rev. Thomas Tierney; and it now becomes my duty, as the next counsel in seniority to my friend, Mr. Sheil, and in that right, and in that character alone, to lay before you the facts and circumstances of my client's case; and I do, with very respectful confidence, anticipate your verdict of acquittal in favour of my client. Gentlemen, I very unfeignedly feel the great disadvantage I labour under in having to address you after the able, brilliant, and eloquent display of my friend, Mr. Sheil. If that disadvantage was to be merely personal; if it could not in the slightest degree affect my client, it would not be worthy of one moment's consideration; and, although I acknowledge my perfect inability either to amuse you by wit or delight you by eloquence, and although I possess not the power of addressing to you any of those affecting appeals which he made, yet I confidently hope you will extend to me, while I am laying my client's case before you, the same patience and the same attention which I have observed you invariably bestow upon every branch and upon every feature of this important case. Gentlemen, there is one observation, which was made by the Attorney-Gene ral in his opening statement, in which I fully concur, and from which no man can dissent. He told you this was a momentous case, and he might have added that it comes before you under momentous circum. stances and in momentous times. When we consider the great and important question-I mean the Repeal of the Union-out of which this prosecution has undeniably arisen; when we consider the deep and all-pervading interest which has been excited through every part of Ireland, from one end to the other; when we consider the hundreds of thousands-I may say millions, of our countrymen that have unequivocally, but peaceably, expressed their opinion in favour of that measure; and when we consider that one of the traversers at the bar is a gentleman possessing the unlimited confidence of those millions, and exercising a greater degree of moral influence over their minds than any individual ever before possessed over the minds of a free people, in a free country; when we find that man brought to the bar of

this Court, and branded, or sought to be branded, with the crime of conspiracy; when we consider that in every part of this country there is the most feverish and restless anxiety with regard to the result of your verdict, the Attorney-General may well say that this is a momentous case. Gentlemen, I cannot concur with the Attorney-General in thinking that the prosecution, which he has instituted, is one that either in its circumstances, its nature, or its conduct, is calculated for this momentous case. The Attorney-General has not condescended to tell you what were his motives for instituting this prosecution; he has not explained to you the benefits which he expected to result from it. He would, perhaps, have told you his object was to bring to justice a person who had violated the law. If that be his motive, I will be able to show him, and I hope you too, that there never was a course less adapted to that purpose than the present prosecution. If he expected that the effect of this prosecution would be to allay the feeling of irritation and animosity at present existing in this country, never was a more unfortunate expedient resorted to than this prosecution. No man can shut his eyes to this fact, that from first to last of this prosecution, from its original institution down to the moment I am addressing you, the conduct of the prosecutor was such as to create a greater degree of bitterness and animosity than ever existed in this country before. Gentlemen, is it the expectation of the AttorneyGeneral that the effect of this prosecution will be to put down the discussion of the question of the Repeal of the Union? Is that the hope of the Government which he serves? If that be what he expects to result from it, I must confess a more idle or empty chimera never crossed the mind of an Attorney-General. He has entered into an argument on the question of the Repeal of the Union. I do not mean to follow his example. He has held out to you what he considered strong grounds to make you believe that it was impracticable and unattainable. If the Repeal of the Union-that important question which now pervades every portion of this land-be so destitute of merits as the Attorney-General wishes to represent to you; if it be impracticable and unattainable, it does not want the aid of a prosecution to put it down. If it be so destitute of merits as he would represent it to you, it must fall by its own weakness. But if, on the other hand, that question has those merits which hundreds of thousands of your countrymen think it possesses, how idle is the hope or the expectation to crush it by a prosecution. On this great question I do not mean to intimate or express any opinion of my own; but this I will say, let the merits or demerits be what they may, I trust that the time will never arrive when it will be in the power of any Attorney-General, or in the power of any Government, to crush or stifle the discussion of it, or the free discussion of any great public question.

Gentlemen of the Jury, it appears to me to be of the utmost importance in this case, that you should very distinctly carry in your minds the nature of the charge that is preferred against the traversers at the bar; that charge is confined to a single onethe charge of conspiracy. I beg of you to carry in your recol

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