as ought to be required by Congress; and that applications for loans in Europe ought to be relied on for the residue. And yet they absolutely refuse the only fund which could be satisfactory to lenders. The indignation against this perverse sister is increased by her shameful delinquency in the constitutional requisitions.

The tribunal erected for the controversy between Connecticut and Pennsylvania was, I hear, to be opened to-day. The judges who The judges who compose it are, Mr. Whipple, of New Hampshire, Mr. Arnold, of Rhode Island, the Chief Justice and another gentleman of New Jersey, and Mr. C. Griffin, of Virginia. Mr. Rutledge, Mr. Jones, and General Nelson have declined the service. On the part of Pennsylvania, appear Mr. Wilson, Mr. Reed, Mr. Bradford, and Mr. Sergeant; Mr. Osborne assists in the capacity of Solicitor. On the part of Connecticut, are deputed Mr. Dyer, Mr. Root, and Dr. Samuel Johnson. The first and the last, I am told, are on the spot. It is supposed that the first object of Connecticut will be to adjourn the cause to a distant day, on the plea that many of their essential documents are beyond the Atlantic. In a national view, it is not, perhaps, advisable to invalidate the title of this State, however defective it may be, until a more important controversy is terminated. I will make the earliest communication of the issue of this trial. You will not forget a like promise which your letter makes, with respect to the case lately decided by the Court of Appeals.*

DEAR SIR,

TO EDMUND RANDOLPH.

Philadelphia, November 26, 1782.

The Governor, in his letter to the Delegates of the eighth of the present month, after observing that the great scarcity of cash in Virginia will put it out of her power to comply with the demands of Congress, unless the Financier will accept tobacco in payment, desires us to sound the latter on that subject. We accordingly called on Mr. Morris, and, to our astonishment, were told that a proposition to this very effect, and to the amount of sixty thousand dollars, had been a considerable time lying before the Executive; that his agent had been instructed to allow the current price, and that he wished to have obtained the tobacco, because it could be immediately sent under a fortunate convoy to Holland, where its influence on public credit might be critical and important. Either, therefore, Mr. Morris must have been basely deceived by his agent, which can hardly be supposed, or the Governor must, in the first place, have rejected a fair offer, and in the next, imposed on us a very nugatory and awkward negotiation. As we concealed from the Superintendent that our inquiries originated with the Governor, he escaped the risk to which he had exposed his character with that Minister. I cannot pass over this circumstance without a lamentation on the obloquy which Virginia brings on herself by submitting to be eclipsed even by the feeble efforts of other States. The monthly lash of the Receiver's proclamation, which has roused so many other States into some degree of emulation,

has produced no effect on her. In our conversation with Mr. Morris, we were indeed told, that Mr. Webb had a prospect of between two and three thousand dollars. But, if any thing can add to the mortification which we feel at the receipt of nothing, it will be the receipt of so beggarly a sum. I confide, therefore, that there is, at least, enough pride in the State to prevent it.

We are likely to have on our hands near two hundred souls, carried from Kentucky about two years ago into captivity in Canada, and lately discharged by the Governor of that Province. A part of them are already arrived. They are all in great distress, and have been enabled to proceed thus far only by the benevolent provisions of the Commander-inChief. Humanity will not suffer us to leave them unassisted with the means of reaching their homes, or at least their State. But whence are the means to be derived? To draw bills for a sufficient sum without warrant, and even without a certainty that they can be honored, is a very painful experiment. To resort to the coffers of Congress, into which we shall probably be reminded that not a single shilling has been contributed by Virginia,-in favor of citizens, too, whose misfortunes will be traced up to a disrespect to the recommendations of Congress,-will be far from relieving our feelings. Having not yet conferred with my colleague on the subject, the result of these perplexities is uncertain.

For want of something more interesting, I will epitomise to you the proceedings of Congress on Friday last. I have already informed you, if my recollection does not fail me, that Congress, long

since, received a letter from Mr. Henry Laurens, informing them of his discharge from captivity, and of his having authorized an expectation in the British Ministry that Cornwallis should, in return, be discharged from his parole. Shortly after, a letter from Doctor Franklin acquainted Congress that, at the pressing instance of Mr. Laurens, in consideration of the power given him to exchange Burgoyne for him, and of the reasonableness of the thing, he had executed an instrument setting Cornwallis at full liberty until the pleasure of Congress should be known. These papers had been committed, and the Committee had reported a ratification of the instrument. After some debate a recommitment took place. In this state the business remained until the day abovementioned, when, in order to satisfy some members who had called for a report, and to enable the Committee to adapt their report to the sense of Congress, a motion was made to instruct the Committee to report a proper act of ratification, &c. On this. motion the merits of the case, which, as connected with our national character, may be deemed of some moment, fell under general discussion. In support of the motion it was argued, that, whenever a public minister entered into unauthorized engagements, the only alternative which presented itself to the sovereign was, either to ratify the engagements or to recal the Minister, unless, indeed, he should prefer both; that Congress, having even refused to permit the Minister in question (Mr. Laurens) to decline his appointment, had, therefore, no option left but to support him in what he had taken upon himself; that nothing could be more preposterous than to detain

him in so dignified and confidential a service, and, at the same time, to degrade him in the estimation both of his friends and enemies, by a public disavowal of his conduct; that it was particularly improper to send him into negotiations with the latter, under the impressions of supposed obligations to them; that a part of this reasoning was applicable to the part which Doctor Franklin, another Minister, had taken in the measure; that the Marquis de la Fayette, who, in consequence of the liberation of Cornwallis, had, with the approbation of the Ministers, undertaken an exchange of several of his family, would also participate in the mortification; that, finally, it was greatly overrating the importance of Cornwallis to sacrifice all these considerations to the policy or gratification of prolonging his captivity.

On the adverse side it was said, that the British Government having treated Mr. Laurens not as a prisoner of war, but as a traitor; having refused to exchange him for General Burgoyne when the offer was made; and having declared, by the British Commanders at New York, that he had been freely discharged, neither Mr. Laurens nor Congress could be bound, either in honor or justice, to render an equivalent, whilst policy strongly inculcated that so barbarous an instrument of war, and so odious an object to the people of the United States, should be held as long as possible in the chains of captivity; that, as the latest advices rendered it probable that Mr. Laurens was at this time on his way to America, the dignity of the commission for peace could not suffer from any mark of disapprobation which might