to the last degree afflicting to those who love their country, and aim at its prosperity. If I had leisure to use a cypher, I would dilate much upon the present state of our affairs; which, as it is, I must defer to another occasion. I was prepared, by Mr. Jones's late letters, for the fate to which the budget of Congress has been consigned, but the circumstances under which it arrived. here gave peculiar pungency to the information. I wish that those who abuse Congress, and baffle their measures, may as much promote the public good as they profess to intend. I am sure, they will not do it more effectually than is intended by some, at least, of those who promote the measures of Congress. TO EDMUND RANDOLPH. Philadelphia, June 30, 1783. DEAR SIR, My last informed you of the mutinous insult which was offered to Congress on the Saturday preceding. On the evening after the insult, Congress met and resolved, that the Executive Council should be informed that, in their opinion, effectual measures ought to be immediately taken for suppressing the mutiny and supporting the public authority; that a committee should confer with the Executive, and, in case no satisfactory grounds should appear of adequate and prompt exertions for those purposes, the President should, with the advice of the Committee, be authorized to summon the members to meet at Trenton or Princeton, in New Jersey; that an express be sent to General Washington for a detachment of regular troops. The conference with the Executive produced nothing but doubts concerning the disposition of the militia to act, unless some actual outrages were offered to persons or property. They even doubted whether a repetition of the insult to Congress would be a sufficient provocation. Neither the exhortations of the friends of President Dickenson, nor the reproaches of his enemies, could obtain an experiment on the temper of the militia. During the attendance on the ultimate determinations of the Executive, reports from the barracks were in constant vibration. At one moment, the mutineers were penitent, and preparing submissions: the next, they were meditating violent measures. Sometimes the bank was their object; at other times, the seizure of the members of Congress, with whom they imagined an indemnity for their offence might be purchased. On Tuesday, about two o'clock, the efforts of the Government being despaired of, and the reports from the barracks being unfavorable, the Committee advised the President to summon the members to meet in New Jersey, which he did verbally as to the members present, leaving a general proclamation behind him for the press. I left Princeton on Friday evening, when six States only had met. Rhode Island made a seventh on Saturday. To-day, suppose, they will be on business. I shall set out this afternoon on my return. Since Congress left the city, the mutiny has been entirely extinguished; the mutineers having submitted, and most of them accepted furloughs under the stipulation of Congress on that subject. At the time I of submission, they betrayed their leaders, the chief of whom proved to be a Mr. Carberry, a deranged officer, and a Mr. Sullivan, a lieutenant of horse, both of whom made their escape. Some of the most active sergeants have also run off. The precise object and plan of the conspiracy are unascertained. The removal of Congress, under the circumstances which gave birth to it, is a subject of much conversation and criticism. Many of those who condemn it are but partially acquainted with facts. Many of those who justify it seem to have their eye remotely on the disgrace of the Executive Councils of the State. DEAR SIR, TO EDMUND RANDOLPH. Philadelphia, July 8, 1783. Yours of the twenty-eighth of June, like the preceding one, found me at this place, where my preparations for leaving Congress will keep me much of the remainder of my time. The footing on which the impost is placed by the Assembly is not an eligible one, but preferable to a total rejection. It is to be regretted that immediate use was not made of the impression of the letter from General Washington. The interval preceding the next session will give full scope to malignant insinuations. The reversal of the award in the case of Nathan may possibly be just in itself; but it will require all your eloquence, I fear, to shield the honor of the State from its effects. The agency which the Delegation VOL. I.-35* be sent to General Washington for a detachment of regular troops. The conference with the Executive produced nothing but doubts concerning the disposition of the militia to act, unless some actual outrages were offered to persons or property. They even doubted whether a repetition of the insult to Congress would be a sufficient provocation. Neither the exhortations of the friends of President Dickenson, nor the reproaches of his enemies, could obtain an experiment on the temper of the militia. During the attendance on the ultimate determinations of the Executive, reports from the barracks were in constant vibration. At one moment, the mutineers were penitent, and preparing submissions: the next, they were meditating violent measures. Sometimes the bank was their object; at other times, the seizure of the members of Congress, with whom they imagined an indemnity for their offence might be purchased. On Tuesday, about two o'clock, the efforts of the Government being despaired of, and the reports from the barracks being unfavorable, the Committee advised the President to summon the members to meet in New Jersey, which he did verbally as to the members present, leaving a general proclamation behind him for the press. I left Princeton on Friday evening, when six States only had met. Rhode Island made a seventh on Saturday. To-day, I suppose, they will be on business. I shall set out this afternoon on my return. Since Congress left the city, the mutiny has been entirely extinguished; the mutineers having submitted, and most of them accepted furloughs under the stipulation of Congress on that subject. At the time of submission, they betrayed their leaders, the chief of whom proved to be a Mr. Carberry, a deranged officer, and a Mr. Sullivan, a lieutenant of horse, both of whom made their escape. Some of the most active sergeants have also run off. The precise object and plan of the conspiracy are unascertained. The removal of Congress, under the circumstances which gave birth to it, is a subject of much conversation and criticism. Many of those who condemn it are but partially acquainted with facts. Many of those who justify it seem to have their eye remotely on the disgrace of the Executive Councils of the State. DEAR SIR, TO EDMUND RANDOLPH. Philadelphia, July 8, 1783. Yours of the twenty-eighth of June, like the preceding one, found me at this place, where my preparations for leaving Congress will keep me much of the remainder of my time. The footing on which the impost is placed by the Assembly is not an eligible one, but preferable to a total rejection. It is to be regretted that immediate use was not made of the impression of the letter from General Washington. The interval preceding the next session will give full scope to malignant insinuations. The reversal of the award in the case of Nathan may possibly be just in itself; but it will require all your eloquence, I fear, to shield the honor of the State from its effects. The agency which the Delegation VOL. I.-35* |