be sent to General Washington for a detachment of regular troops. The conference with the Executive produced nothing but doubts concerning the disposition of the militia to act, unless some actual outrages were offered to persons or property. They even doubted whether a repetition of the insult to Congress would be a sufficient provocation. Neither the exhortations of the friends of President Dickenson, nor the reproaches of his enemies, could obtain an experiment on the temper of the militia. During the attendance on the ultimate determinations of the Executive, reports from the barracks were in constant vibration. At one moment, the mutineers were penitent, and preparing submissions: the next, they were meditating violent measures. Sometimes the bank was their object; at other times, the seizure of the members of Congress, with whom they imagined an indemnity for their offence might be purchased. On Tuesday, about two o'clock, the efforts of the Government being despaired of, and the reports from the barracks being unfavorable, the Committee advised the President to summon the members to meet in New Jersey, which he did verbally as to the members present, leaving a general proclamation behind him for the press. I left Princeton on Friday evening, when six States only had met. Rhode Island made a seventh on Saturday. To-day, I

suppose, they will be on business. I shall set out this afternoon on my return.

Since Congress left the city, the mutiny has been entirely extinguished; the mutineers having submitted, and most of them accepted furloughs under the stipulation of Congress on that subject. At the time

of submission, they betrayed their leaders, the chief of whom proved to be a Mr. Carberry, a deranged officer, and a Mr. Sullivan, a lieutenant of horse, both of whom made their escape. Some of the most active sergeants have also run off. The precise object and plan of the conspiracy are unascertained.

The removal of Congress, under the circumstances which gave birth to it, is a subject of much conversation and criticism. Many of those who condemn it are but partially acquainted with facts. Many of those who justify it seem to have their eye remotely on the disgrace of the Executive Councils of the State.

DEAR SIR,

TO EDMUND RANDOLPH.

Philadelphia, July 8, 1783.

Yours of the twenty-eighth of June, like the preceding one, found me at this place, where my preparations for leaving Congress will keep me much of the remainder of my time. The footing on which the impost is placed by the Assembly is not an eligible one, but preferable to a total rejection. It is to be regretted that immediate use was not made of the impression of the letter from General Washington. The interval preceding the next session will give full scope to malignant insinuations. The reversal of the award in the case of Nathan may possibly be just in itself; but it will require all your eloquence, I fear, to shield the honor of the State from its effects. The agency which the Delegation VOL. I.-35*

had in the affair will impart no small share of the mortification to them. I suppose the feelings of Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Harrison, also, will not be much delighted by it.

General Howe is here, with a corps of New England troops detached by General Washington for the purpose of quelling the mutiny. His only employment will now be to detect and punish the promoters of it. Congress remain at Princeton. Their removal from that place will soon become an interesting question. Not a few maintain strenuously the policy of returning to this city, in order to obviate suspicions abroad of any disaffection in the mass of so important a State to the Federal Government, and to restore mutual confidence with a State which has of late been so firm in adhering to Federal measures. It is supposed, too, that a freer choice might have been made among the permanent seats offered by the States, than at a place where the necessity of a speedy removal would give undue advantage to an offer which happened to be in greatest readiness for immediate use. The citizens here, in general, regret the departure of Congress, disavow the idea that they were unwilling to take arms in defence of Congress, and will probably enter into some declaration tending to invite their return.

We hear nothing from our Ministers in Europe. The evacuation of New York, as to the time, seems as problematical as ever. The sending off the negroes continues to take place under the eyes and remonstrances of the inspectors of embarcations.

DEAR SIR,

TO EDMUND RANDOLPH.

Philadelphia, July 15, 1783.

Yesterday's post brought me no letter from you. The contents of the enclosed paper make up every thing of consequence which I have for a subject at present. The inquiry into the mutiny has not advanced far enough to bring forth any discoveries. An address is circulating, and will be generally signed by the citizens, reciting to Congress the proofs they have heretofore given of attachment to the Federal Government, professing a continuance of that attachment, and declaring their readiness to support the dignity and privileges of Congress, in case the convenience of this place for transacting the public affairs should give it a preference to others, until a final residence shall be fixed.

TO THOMAS JEFFERSON.

DEAR SIR,

Philadelphia, July 17, 1783.

The usual reserve of our Ministers has kept us in entire suspense since my last, with regard to the definitive treaty and every thing else in Europe. The only incident produced in this interval has been that which removed Congress from this city to Princeton. I have selected the newspaper which contains the Report of a committee on that subject, from which you will collect the material information. Soon after the removal of Congress the mutineers

surrendered their arms, and impeached some of their officers, the two principal of whom have escaped to sea. General Howe, with a detachment of Eastern troops, is here, and is instituting an inquiry into the whole plot, the object and scheme of which are, as yet, both involved in darkness. The citizens of this place seem to disavow the alleged indisposition to exert force against insults offered to Congress, and are uniting in an address rehearsing the proofs which they have given of attachment to the Federal authority, professing a continuance of that attachment, and declaring the utmost readiness, on every occasion, to support the dignity and privileges of Congress, if they should deem this place the fittest for transacting the public business until their permaWhat effect this address, backed by the scanty accommodations of Princeton, will have on Congress, is uncertain. The prevailing disposition seemed to be that a return to their former residence, as soon as the way should be opened, would be prudent in order to prevent any inferences abroad of disaffection in the mass of so important a state to the revolution or the Federal Government. Others suppose that a freer choice among the seats offered to Congress could be made here, than in a place where the necessity of a speedy removal would give an undue advantage to the seat happening to be in greatest readiness to receive them. The advocates for Annapolis appear to be sensible of the force of this consideration, and probably will, if they can, detain Congress in Princeton until a final choice be made. New Jersey will probably be tempted to concur in the plan, by the

nent residence shall be fixed.